CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE tions,and in setting up a standard whereby the people can learn to conduct I themselves in their social,civil,and political relations."Even as late as January 1926,with the republic a virtual corpse,one prominent educator-diplomat felt sufficient optimism to propose a constitutional panacea: Let a small body of men of unimpeachable character and integrity be elected or appointed to form a Council of Elder Statesmen according to the fashion of Japan....It is their CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE duty to encourage or impeach all Government policies fearlessly and in the interest of the people.As their combined opinion will be respected by the whole nation,even cabinet ministers or military leaders will eventually have to take their counsels to heart.... China provided with such a national conscience,the President,the Cabinet Ministers,the Provincial Tuchuns or Civil Govemors will be able to concentrate the authority of the Central Government and nationalize the finances of the country without much difficulty.4 In 1898,K'ang Yu-wei memorialized the Kuang-hsu Emperor,"I have heard Not that the republic's difficulties were ever unrecognized.Chang Hsun's that the strength of nations both east and west is due to the cstablishment of constitutions and the opening of national assemblies....Can these nations 1917 restoration of the Hsuan-t'ung Emperor,the subsequent emergence of a rival Canton government,the Anfu-Chihli war of 1920,the first and second be anything but strong when their rulers and the millions of their people are Chihli-Fengtien wars of 1922 and 1924-these episodes but punctuated a cease- united in a single body?In 1906,the imperial edict ordering preparations for less series of military and civilian conflicts.As chaos deepened,however, the adoption of a constitutional system of government argued in the same vein, politicians and intellectuals diagnosed causes and prescribed cures in constitu- "That other countries are wealthy and strong is primarily due to the adoption tional terms. of a constitution,by which all the people are united in one body and in con- According to one persistent idea,all problems could be solved if the original stant communication,sanc and sound opinions are extensively sought after and adopted,powers are well divided and well defined,and financial matters and 1913 parliament,dissolved by Yuan in 1914 and again in 1917 in the course of the Chang Hsun restoration,could be recalled to finish writing a permanent legislation are discussed and decided upon by the people." This belief in a constitution's efficacy to make China strong remained vital constitution.(China during most of this period was governed under the Pro- visional Constitution of 1912).Once promulgated,the permanent constitution even as disappointments mounted after the formation of the republic.After Yuan Shih-k'ai's death in 1916,President Li Yuan-hung proclaimed,"The would set republican government on the right course.Finally put into effect in parliament must be summoned quickly to decide on the constitution,in order 1922,this proposal proved incapable of saving the republic. Another diagnosis,that of the federalists,argued that national disunity and that the will of the people may be followed and the foundations of the nation consolidated";and The Chinese Social and Political Science Review stated,"We military dominance of government were due to excessive centralization and that believe that an early promulgation of the constitution is absolutely necessary to 3.Li Chien-nung,The Political History of China,1840-1928,trans.Ssu-yu Teng and the consolidation of the national foundations....The formal enactment of Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton,N.J..1956),p.356;"Editorial Notes,"The Chinese Social and the organic law will go a long way in dispelling from the mind of the people Political Science Review 1,no.4 (December 1916):1-2.The Chinese Social and Political the vague apprehension over a recurrence of political disturbance,in forestalling Science Association was a group of Western-oriented Chinese and Westerners in China. political adventurers from indulging in extravagant and unwarranted ambi- 4.Y.S.Tsao,"The Cause of Democracy in China,"The Chinese Social and Political Science Review 10,no.1(January 1926):84,italics removed.Mr.Tsao (Ts'ao Yun-hsiang),holder ofa Yale B.A.and a Harvard M.B.A.degree,was president of Tsinghua University and had 1.Quoted in Richard C.Howard,The Concept of Parliamentary Goverment in 19th formerly served in the Chinese diplomatic service;see Who's Who in China:Biographies of Century China:A Preliminary Survey,"upublished paper delivered to University Seminar Chinese Leaders,5th ed.(Shanghai,1936:reprinted [Hongkong,19687],p.234 (hereafter on Modemn East Asia-China and Japan,Columbia University,New York,January 9,1963, abbreviated Who's Whto). p.21. 5.See Chapters VI-VII.Despite its failure,this idea persisted even after 1924;for example, 2.Quoted in Joshua Mingchien Bau,Modern Demtocracy in China(Shanghai,1923),p.7. the agitation of the old parliament M.P.'s for that body's recall in 1924-25,as reported in Hatano Ken'ichi,comp.,Gendai Shina no kirokn,November 1924 and subsequent months 4 (hereafter abbreviated GSK)
PEKING POLITICS,I918-1923 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE 7 the condition could be cured by adopting a federal form of government that achieved merely by enacting republican constitutions and laws."1 How could would grant more power to the provinces.A provincial constitution on federa- the early republican leaders have failed to wake up to this fact as mishap piled list lines was adopted in Hunan in 1922,but the movement did not spread. upon disaster?As Lyon Sharman puts it,"Our perception of the impracticality A third line argued that since the constitution was supposed to have been pro- of [the republic's]policies has been so sharpened that is it difficult to credit even duced by parliament,and parliament's legal status bad become confused,a the leaders with the optimism that their words and actions so clearly expres- national conference of all major political and military figures should be con- sed."1a vened to cut the Gordian knot,agree on a constitution,and set the republic back But we will understand the republic ill if we content ourselves with analysis on the right track.This idea was finally realized in the form of the Reconstruc- by ridicule."The wrangles [over constitutions]might be unreal,but they tion Conference (Shan-hou hui-i)of 1925,?which,however,failed to arrest the nevertheless absorbed the interest of the literati-official class."14 Politicians accelerating slide into disorder. might often wield the language of constitutionalism for ulterior purposes,but it Constitutionalist pipe dreams and protestations were greeted skeptically must been have a politically meaningful language to be worth using at all.If even by some contemporaries."The Republic was never more than a sham," the republic commanded the loyalty of an ever-decreasing cadre of politicians wrote one foreign observer;it was a comic opera in which "we see the most and intellectuals,still those who continued for seventeen years to try to make sedate and law-abiding people in the world temporarily swept with a fever for it work did so on the basis of a true constitutionalist faith,whose sources and boyish adventures."8 A distinguished Chinese political scientist called the meaning to its proponents we must try to understand. republic a"farce,"noting that"no fixed principles and no unchanging loyalties marked the factions."A popular history of the republic,the Min-kuo yen-i Social Sources [Romance of the republic],cynically assimilated the political struggles of the period to the genre of strategems played in popular novels by power-seeking Only a small proportion of the 400 million Chinese around 1920 knew or cared rivals constrained only by the fertility of their imaginations.10 anything about constitutionalism,and of these a still smaller group was so placed Contemporaries'skepticism is reinforced for late twentieth-century students as to be able to attempt to put the beliefinto practice.The interests and outlooks by a growing body of social-science scholarship which rejects the former of the political elite go some way to explain the appeal of the constitutionalist Western faith in constitutional engineering as the road to stable democratic faith.15 government and looks instead to economic,social and cultural variables to explain political phenomena.11 We now hold that "a republic cannot be Engineering and the Problem of Viable Representative Government,"in Harry Eckstein and David E.Apter,eds.,Comtparative Politics:A Reader (New York,1963).pp.97-104; 6.Li Chien-nung,Political History,pp.403-404. and Harry Eckstein,Division and Cohesion in a Democracy:A Study of Norway (Princeton, 7.For examples of the conference idea,see Wu P'ei-fu's Lushan conference proposal, N.J1966).pp.20-32,269-87.Of course,this body of scholarship does not establish ir- described in Li Chien-nung,Political History,p.420;Liang Shih-i's conference proposal of refutably that constitutional engineering cannot create stable goverment,but at the least it 1922,in F.O.228/2994,"Memorandum",by Mr.Mayers,Peking,February 9,1922;Sun shows that the constitutionalist faith is not self-evidently true,but is an ideology requiring Yat-sen's concept of a citizen's convention (ko-min hui-)in late 1924 and early 1925, analysis.See Chapter III for a brief discussion of ways in which the republican constitution covered in Ko-ming wen-hsien 10(1955)and GSK,January 1925,and following months. did affect politics. There are many sources for the study of the 1925 Reconstruction Conference (a study not 12.Ch'ien Tuan-sheng,Government and Politics,p.61. undertaken here).Columbia University's East Asian Library has aset of the Shan-houui-i 13.Lyon Sharman,Sun Yat-sen:His Life and Its Meaning;A Critical Biography (Stanford, kg-pao (Reconstruction Conference gazette).Ko Kung-chen,Cheng-kuo peo-hsueh shih Calf,1968),p.140. (Taipei,1964),p.254,shows a sample of the Shnoj'n(Daily publication of the 14.Ch'icn Tuan-sheng,Govermnent and Politics,p.74. Reconstruction Conference),of which copies may survive somewhere.Extensive coverage 15.This section makes a first approximation at understanding constitutionalism in the is given to the conference in GSK. early republic through what Clifford Geertz calls the "interest theory"of ideology. 8.Upton Close(pseud.of Josef Washington Hall),In the Land of the Laughing Buddha: while the next section looks at the ideology as a system of meaning.Cf.Clifford Geertz The Adventures of an American Barbarian in China(New York,1924),pp.x,xvi. "Ideology asa Cultural System,"in David E.Apter,ed.,Ideology and Discontent (New York, 9.Ch'ien Tuan-sheng,The Government and Politics of China,1912-1949 (Stanford,Calif., 1964).pp.47-76. 1970,Pp.61,76. It is not easy to decide what analytical language to use in parsing the social composition 10.Ts'ai Tung-fan,Min-kuo t'ung-su yen-i(Shanghai,1936). of the early republican political elite.Traditional terminology for social levels is outdated 11.See,for reviews of the literature,Harry Eckstein,"Introduction:Constitutional for the 1920s;Western terms are forced.Broad terminology does not distinguish sufficiently
PEKING POLITICS,I9I8-1923 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE 9 THE BUREAUCRATS and Communications,which ran steamship lines,railways,telegraph and postal The most influential portion of the national political elite was in a broad sense services,and a bank;and the ministries of Foreign Affairs,Interior,and Educa- bureaucrats-"members-actual,would-be,or recently laid off of the tion.The new government organs had outdistanced the old central organs in military and civilian bureaucracy."1 If Yuan Shih-k'ai can be called the"father power and importance so that,by the fall of the Ch'ing,the most powerful of the warlords,"it is equally true that the late Ch'ing bureaucracy fathered bureaucratic positions in the central government were held by officials whose the early republican government as a whole.A military man or administrator commitment to modernization was to prove stronger than their loyalty to the who was in his forties during the warlord era had almost certainly passed the dynasty.19 first ten or fifteen years of his professional career as a Ch'ing bureaucrat.As Sun The key to this sea-change in bureaucratic loyalties lay in the requirement of Yat-sen is quoted as tellinga British diplomat in 1923,the premature outbreak new kinds of institutions for new kinds of men.The staffs of the new,semi- at Wuchang...and the ensuing unlooked for adherence to Republican modern late Ch'ing institutions commanded a far greater degree of specialized principles on the part of the whole nation,upset all calculations.Methods of training and technical expertise than the bureaucrats of the tradition.Some were Government had at once to be extemporized,and human instruments of specialists in railway administration,finance,banking,communications,police Government on the spot immediately to be utilized.The upshot ha[s]been the administration,education,and the like.Others were experts in foreign ways: concentration of power in the hands of officials of the old regime."17 the foreign affairs technocrats whose command of foreign languages and On this occasion,Sun went on to say that"the professed republicanism" customs suited them for the specific and increasingly important task of liaison of the bureaucrats "was a mere cloak for personal ambition,"18 but here he with foreigners.Still others had special expertise in the area of military organi- missed the point that constitutional republicanism,as it was then understood, zation and leadership:for example,Yuan Shih-k'ai,who rose in the bureaucracy was entirely consonant with the central values of the "new-style"bureaucrats by virtue of military"merit"despite his lack of the usual examination degrees, who had become dominant in Peking by 1911.To the new-style bureaucrats, or Chang Tso-lin,who proved his military abilities in the role of a bandit before constitutionalism spelled modernization along Western lines,and,although the being recruited,with his whole force,as a battalion commander.By and large, overthrow of the Manchu court was not something most of them actively they were technocrats and active modernizers.20 Their overriding goal was a favored,they did not balk at it so long as it implied no challenge to their ad- strong China,their models the Western nations and Japan,where constitutions ministrative predominance.This predominance they had won in the course of and national power seemed conspicuously linked. the late Ch'ing reforms-reforms that achieved a considerable modernization of On closer inspection one discerns three"generations"among the late Ch'ing government through the establishment of new technically specialized institu- specialist bureaucrats who became leaders of the republic.21 Each generation's tions,including the New Army,with its foreign advisors,technical training for members regarded one another as being at roughly the same level of seniority, officers,and advanced weapons and medical techniques;the Ministry of Posts 19.See,e.g.,Meribeth E.Cameron,The Rform Movement in China,1898-1912 (New York,1963);John K.Fairbank,Edwin O.Reischauer,and Albert M.Craig,East Asia:The among the upper social groups,while narrow terminology disguises intraelite connections. Modem Transformation(Boston,1965),pp.619-25. Analysis of elite social composition in terms of fathers'backgrounds is inappropriate in view 20.The specialist bureaucrats of the late Ch'ing had predecessors throughout the history of the rapidity of social change;categories based upon relations to the means of production of Chinese bureaucracy and were especially anticipated by such mid-nineteenth-century ignore the complexity of elite members'careers.Terminology must be suited to purposc, figures as Hsu Chi-yu,a foreign affairs specialist of the Tsungli Yamen,or Tso Tsung- and since the goal here is to relate political ideology to elite interests and outlooks,I have adopted a rough-and-ready set of categories,based essentially on occupation and style of o op时s克 life,which seem to illuminate the shared interests perceived by elite members.The generali- modemn and foreign technical content of their specializations. zations offered in this section are tentative ones based primarily upon an impressionistic 21.These three generations included most of the major politicians of the era.A few born summary of the many politicans'biographies used for this study. before 1860-Wu T'ing-fang(1846),Hsu Shih-ch'ang(1858).Wang Ta-hsieh(1858),Li 16.Fred W.Riggs,Thailand:The Modemization of a Bureaeratic Polity(Honolulu,1966), Ting-hsin(1859)-were active in republican politics,but most surviving members of their p.149.This broad definition permits us to speak about a social group rather than the in generations,like Chao Erh-hsun(1842)and Chang Chien(1852),played only occasional cumbents of a set of organizational roles. roles as prestigious elders (yuan-ao)in republican politics.On the other hand,politicians 17.F.O.228/3001,Despatch 19A,Jamieson to Peking,March 1923. born after 1890 were too young during the early republic to play prominent roles.Chang 18.Ibid. Hsuch-liang (1890)was an exception
IO PEKING POLITICS,I9I8-1923 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE II and each generation held distinctive political views that were formed by ernization and the fact that the republic left them in,if anything,enhanced characteristic educational and career experiences.22 positions of power,was sufficient to win their acquiescence in the experiment. Men born in the 1860s belonged to the generation of the immediate followers In the generation of the 1870s,the experience of new-style education became of Yuan Shih-k'ai (born 1859).Tutoring in the Confucian classics in preparation more common.Kung Hsin-chan (1871),for example,studied at the foreign for government examinations remained the normal education for this genera- languages school in Nanking;Wu P'ei-fu(1872)was a graduate of the Peiyang tion.Holders of the chin-shih degree who were born in the 1860s and later Military Academy.Another common pattern for this generation was to pass became prominent republican era politicians included,for example,Tung K'ang the chii-jen examination,then enter the bureaucracy,picking up special skills (1866)and Ch'ien Neng-hsun(1868).Yet the educational experience of some of during subsequent assignments.Such chii-jen included P'an Fu (1870),Chu the most prominent members of the generation included a degree of technical, Ch'i-ch'ien (1871),Chang Kuo-kan(1872),Chang Hu(1875),and Wang K'o- foreign or new-style education.Chang I-lin(1864)and Liang Shih-i(1869)not min (1878),all experts in the area of finance.The pure classical education also only won traditional examination degrees but also passed a special public ad- remained in style:a prominent chin-shih of the 1870s generation was Hsiung ministration examination given in the late Ch'ing.Wang Chan-yuan(1860), Hsi-ling (1870).Overseas education,while still fairly unusual,continued to Wang Shih-chen (1861)and Ts'ao K'un(1862)were among the earliest officers grow in importance:Ch'en Chin-t'ao(1870)studied at Yale University,Ts'ao to graduate from the Peiyang Military Academy in Tientsin,which gave speci- Ju-lin(1875)at Waseda University,Yen Hui-ch'ing (1877)at the University of alized military education.A few military officers not only studied in China but Virginia,Wang I-t'ang(1878)at Hosei University. went abroad for further study:these included Tuan Ch'i-jui (1864),Li Yuan- As with the earlier generation,the new learning,if it came at all,came re- hung(1866),and Chang Shao-tseng(1869).There were other types of speci- latively late in the lives of the generation of the 1870s.Many of them had been alized study for this generation,too:Chou Tzu-ch'i(1868)was a graduate of the sufficiently tutored at home in the classics to pass the examinations for returned Canton and Peking foreign language institutes.A few members of this genera- students and enter the bureaucracy at high levels.23 New-style education,if tion,such as T'ang Shao-i(1860),even took the bulk of their higher education taken within China,retained a high traditional content,especially with regard abroad. to fundamental social and political values.24 Students who went abroad tended These men were not made instant constitutionalists by their exposure to the to be from wealthy families with stakes in the status quo.For all these reasons, new learning;constitutionalism was something most of them came to reluc- the 1870s cohort shared the fundamental political conservatism of their seniors. tantly after the disappointments of defeat by Japan in 1895 and the Boxer fiasco On the other hand,their greater exposure to both the technical and the political of 1900,or accepted as a fait accompli in 1911.Their commitment to the cultures of Japan and the West gave them greater facility in operating a republi- constitutional republic always remained imperfect(their generation provided can form of government and providing administrative leadership in fields like the main support for the Ch'ing-restoration schemes that were discussed and railway administration,finance,and foreign relations.The gencration was a occasionally tried),and their leadership of it was autocratic and personalistic. generous supplier of cabinet ministers to early republican governments. The new-style education had come to them too late in life-usually after a For the generation of the 1880s,pure classical education was no longer a traditional period of home training in the classics,and,except for the few who realistic option.Those who began their training with classical study aimed at studied overseas,without the added impact of an unsettling change of environ- the examinations had to shift course when examinations based on the classical ment-and they had passed too long a time in the service of the Ch'ing to be curriculum were abolished in 1905.35 Young men of this generation who aspired anything but ambivalent republicans.But in the end,the commitment to mod- 23.See Y.C.Wang,Chinese Intellectuals and the West,1872-1949(Chapel Hill,N.C.. 22.Unless otherwise noted,the biographical information in the following paragraphs 1966),pp.79,86-87.Ts'ao Ju-lin,Wang I-t'ang,Yen Hui-ch'ing,and Ch'en Chin-t'ao comes from the appropriate entries of the following sources:Gaimusho johobu,Gendai were all returned-student chin-shih. Shina jimmeikan (Tokyo,1924 and 1928),and Gendai Chika minkokn Manshi(tei)koku jim- 24.This remained so as late as the Kuomintang period.See Allen Berard Linden,"Poli- meikean (Tokyo,1932 and 1937),hereafter abbreviated as GIMK,1924;GIMK,1928; tics and Higher Education in China:The Kuomintang and the University Community. GIMK,1932;and GJMK,1937 respectively;and Yang Chia-lo,Min-kuo ming-jen r'u-chien 1927-1937"(Ph.D.diss.,Columbia University.1969),pp.113,182,236-37. (Nanking,1937)(hereafter abbreviated as MTC).See further footnotes in subsequent 25.For examples,see the biographies of Huang Fu in Howard L.Boorman and Richard chapters and appendix.Birthdates are given in parentheses;they must be regarded as ap- C.Howard,eds.Biographical Dictionary f Modern China (New York,1967-1971),2:188; proximate since sources often disagree on the exact year. and Chao Hsi-en in Who's Who,p.19
I2 PEKING POLITICS,I918-1923 CONSTITUTIONALISM AND ITS FAILURE I3 to government service had to prepare themselves either through new-style domestic education or by study overseas,or both.New-style domestic educa- committed than their seniors to the values underlying the republican ideal,they tion must have been the path chosen by the majority of students,for example became the major in-house critics of the republic's failings.If the 1880s cohort Yeh Kung-ch'o(1880)and Li Ssu-hao(1880),but one has the impression that shared with that of the 1860s an ambivalence about the republic,in their case it among those who were to become especially prominent,overseas education was came not from a feeling that the republic might be going too far but from a the more common experience.Examples of members of this generation who frequent sense that it did not go far enough. studied abroad before taking up careers in the bureaucracy are Hsu Shu-cheng (born 1880,graduate of Japanese Officers'Academy),Huang Fu(1880,Japanese PROFESSIONALS AND POLITICIANS Military Survey Academy),Ch'ien Yung-ming (1885,Kobe Commercial The second major component of the early Republican national political elite College),Chia Shih-i(1886,Meiji University),Chang Ying-hua(1886,Victoria consisted of the new professional and quasi-professional strata of educators, University,England),Wellington Koo(1887,Columbia University)and Lo lawyers,engineers,journalists,modern businessmen and bankers.The emer- Wen-kan(1888,Oxford University). gence of such strata was a natural concomitant of the increasing complexity of The vast majority of students from this generation who studied abroad went late Ch'ing society.Banks,newspapers,modern colleges,courts and other to Japan.The Chinese student population in Japan exploded from about 100 specialized institutions demanded staff with professional qualifications,and students in 1900 to about 13,000 in the period around 1905.Some graduated new-style and overseas education provided individuals trained to fill the new from Japanese universities;others attended special schools established for roles.The late Ch'ing reforms gave a special impetus to the modernizing trend Chinese students.26 Transplanted to a student community in a foreign country by translating and promulgating foreign laws that required the establishment with other students from all over China and from various age groups,they of professional associations(fa-t'uan)-chambers of commerce,lawyers'associa- were thrown together as individuals and as members of the Chinese nation.At tions,bankers'associations-for self-regulation of the infant professions.Be- the same time,they were exposed to ideas of individualism,equality and cause the fa-t'an were charged with quasi-governmental functions,the profes- freedom.There was a tendency to reject Chinese traditions,aggressively to copy sions,unlike such other middle class groups as students and small businessmen, Japanese and Western customs and fashions,and to adopt the view that came to be regarded as sectors of the elite with legitimate voices in public nothing Chinese was good and everything Western was worth emulating. affairs. Between the generation of the 1870s and that of the 1880s there was thus The origins of fa-t'uan lay in a series of laws that the government promul- a major divide in elite political culture.It was the latter generation that con- gated between about 1903 and 1915,which required certain professions to or- tributed the senior leadership of the May Fourth Movement and provided the ganize themselves in"associations established by law,"and charged them with eldest major age cohort of Chinese Communist party leaders.28 Of course, a range of quasi-governmental functions.In 1903,regulations were published those whose career choice was to enter the Ch'ing bureaucracy under the tute- which provided for the establishment of chambers of commerce (shang-wuhui) lage and patronage of elder bureaucrats were not so radical as their to-be-Com- in the various commercial centers and ordered that "in addition to the duties munist contemporaries.Over the chasm of a half century,their political style discharged by the chambers of commerce in foreign countries,they be respon- strikes us as sharing more of the assumptions of their elders than those of their sible for unifying the protection of industry,fiscal policy,regulation of prices, radical contemporaries.But because they understood better and were more and the accounts of enterprises;managing registration of enterprises,copy- 26.Chi Ping-feng,Ch'ing-mo ko-ming yii chiin-hsien ti lun-cheng (Nankang,1966),pp. rights,patents,and licenses;and settling commercial disputes.Under regula- 154-55;Saneto Keish,Chigokujin Nihon ryigakushi (Tokyo,1960),pp.137-40. tions promulgated in 1912,lawyers'associations (shihui),to which every 27.Y.C.Wang,Chinese Intellectuals,p.147;Saneto,Chigokujin,pp.195-96.Such a r- practicing lawyer was obliged to belong,were charged with"maintaining the jection of Chinese ways,of course,was in many cases temporary,followed by a-reaf- morality of the legal profession,and...determinfing]the scale of fees and firmation of Chinese values. costs."An association had the right to recommend to the procurator of the local 28.On May Fourth,see Chow Tse-tsung,The May Fourth Movement:Intellectual Re- otionin Modern China(Stanford,Calif,1967),esp.Chapter I and Appendix A.On the court that a member be expelled from the bar for offending association rules.3 CCP,see Donald W.Klein and Anne B.Clark,Biographic Dictionary of Chinese Commnis, 29.Kojima Shotaro,Shina saikin daiji empy (Tokyo,1942),p.291.See also John Ste- 1921-1965(Cambridge,Mass,1971),2:1043. wart Burgess,The Guilds of Pekig (Taipei,1966),p.228. 30.The China Year Book 1919-20,pp.696-97;Kojima Shotaro,Daiji nempyo,p.340