Overview 5 in Burkina Faso would increase total household of countries (such as Bangladesh,Brazil,Cote agricultural production by about 6 percent,with d'lvoire,Mexico,South Africa,and the United no additional resources-simply by reallocat- Kingdom)shows that increasing the share of ing resources(fertilizer and labor)from men to household income controlled by women,either women.4 The Food and Agriculture Organiza- through their own earnings or cash transfers, tion(FAO)estimates that equalizing access to changes spending in ways that benefit chil- productive resources between female and male dren.10 In Ghana,the share of assets and the farmers could increase agricultural output in share of land owned by women are positively developing countries by as much as 2.5 to 4 per-associated with higher food expenditures.!In cent.5 Eliminating barriers that prevent women Brazil,women's own nonlabor income has a from working in certain occupations or sectors positive impact on the height of their daugh- would have similar positive effects,reducing ters.2 In China,increasing adult female income the productivity gap between male and female by 10 percent of the average household income workers by one-third to one-half(chapter 5)and increased the fraction of surviving girls by I per- increasing output per worker by 3 to 25 percent centage point and increased years of schooling across a range of countries.5 But achieving these for both boys and girls.In contrast,a compa- gains will not occur automatically as countries rable increase in male income reduced survival get richer:multiple and sometimes reinforcing rates and educational attainment for girls,with barriers to gender equality can get in the way. no impact on boys.13 In India,a woman's higher These productivity gains are likely to be even earned income increases her children's years of larger ina more integrated world where efficiency schooling. in the use of resources is essential to a country's Improvements in women's own education competitiveness and growth.Indeed,recent and health also have positive impacts on these work shows that gender inequality has become and other outcomes for their children.Better more costly for most countries in a world of open nutritional status of mothers has been associ- trade.?Gender inequality diminishes a country's ated with better child health and survival.s ability to compete internationally-particularly And women's education has been positively if the country specializes in exporting goods and linked to a range of health benefits for chil- services for which men and women workers are dren-from higher immunization rates to bet- equally well suited.Industries that rely more on ter nutrition to lower child mortality.Mothers' female labor expand more in countries where (and fathers')schooling has been positively women are more equal.s The relationship also linked to children's educational attainment goes the other way:countries with an advantage across a broad set of countries;in Pakistan, in making products that rely more on women's children whose mothers have even a single year labor also have become more gender equal. of education spend one extra hour studying at And in countries and regions with rapidly aging home every day and report higher test scores.16 populations,like China and Europe and Central Women's lack of agency-as seen in domes- Asia,encouraging women to enter and remain tic violence-has consequences for their chil- in the labor force can help dampen the adverse dren's cognitive behaviors and health as adults. impact of shrinking working-age populations. Medical research from developed countries has So,in a globalized world,countries that reduce established a link between exposure to domes- gender-based inequalities,especially in second- tic violence as a child and health problems as ary and tertiary education and in economic par- an adult-men and women who experienced ticipation,will have a clear advantage over those violence in the home as children are two to that delay action (chapter 6). three times more likely to suffer from cancer, a stroke,or cardiovascular problems,and five Women's endowments,agency,and to ten times more likely to use alcohol or ille- opportunities shape those of the next gal drugs than those who did not.17 Numerous generation studies also document how experiencing vio- Greater control over household resources by lence between parents as a child is a risk factor women leads to more investment in children's for women experiencing violence from their human capital,with dynamic positive effects own partners as adults,and for men perpetrat- on economic growth.Evidence from a range ing violence against their partners.18
Overview 5 of countries (such as Bangladesh, Brazil, Côte d’Ivoire, Mexico, South Africa, and the United Kingdom) shows that increasing the share of household income controlled by women, either through their own earnings or cash transfers, changes spending in ways that benefi t children.10 In Ghana, the share of assets and the share of land owned by women are positively associated with higher food expenditures.11 In Brazil, women’s own nonlabor income has a positive impact on the height of their daughters.12 In China, increasing adult female income by 10 percent of the average household income increased the fraction of surviving girls by 1 percentage point and increased years of schooling for both boys and girls. In contrast, a comparable increase in male income reduced survival rates and educational attainment for girls, with no impact on boys.13 In India, a woman’s higher earned income increases her children’s years of schooling.14 Improvements in women’s own education and health also have positive impacts on these and other outcomes for their children. Better nutritional status of mothers has been associated with better child health and survival.15 And women’s education has been positively linked to a range of health benefi ts for children—from higher immunization rates to better nutrition to lower child mortality. Mothers’ (and fathers’) schooling has been positively linked to children’s educational attainment across a broad set of countries; in Pakistan, children whose mothers have even a single year of education spend one extra hour studying at home every day and report higher test scores.16 Women’s lack of agency—as seen in domestic violence—has consequences for their children’s cognitive behaviors and health as adults. Medical research from developed countries has established a link between exposure to domestic violence as a child and health problems as an adult—men and women who experienced violence in the home as children are two to three times more likely to suffer from cancer, a stroke, or cardiovascular problems, and fi ve to ten times more likely to use alcohol or illegal drugs than those who did not.17 Numerous studies also document how experiencing violence between parents as a child is a risk factor for women experiencing violence from their own partners as adults, and for men perpetrating violence against their partners.18 in Burkina Faso would increase total household agricultural production by about 6 percent, with no additional resources—simply by reallocating resources (fertilizer and labor) from men to women. 4 The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimates that equalizing access to productive resources between female and male farmers could increase agricultural output in developing countries by as much as 2.5 to 4 percent.5 Eliminating barriers that prevent women from working in certain occupations or sectors would have similar positive effects, reducing the productivity gap between male and female workers by one-third to one-half (chapter 5) and increasing output per worker by 3 to 25 percent across a range of countries. 6 But achieving these gains will not occur automatically as countries get richer: multiple and sometimes reinforcing barriers to gender equality can get in the way. These productivity gains are likely to be even larger in a more integrated world where effi ciency in the use of resources is essential to a country’s competitiveness and growth. Indeed, recent work shows that gender inequality has become more costly for most countries in a world of open trade. 7 Gender inequality diminishes a country’s ability to compete internationally—particularly if the country specializes in exporting goods and services for which men and women workers are equally well suited. Industries that rely more on female labor expand more in countries where women are more equal. 8 The relationship also goes the other way: countries with an advantage in making products that rely more on women’s labor also have become more gender equal. 9 And in countries and regions with rapidly aging populations, like China and Europe and Central Asia, encouraging women to enter and remain in the labor force can help dampen the adverse impact of shrinking working-age populations. So, in a globalized world, countries that reduce gender-based inequalities, especially in secondary and tertiary education and in economic participation, will have a clear advantage over those that delay action (chapter 6). Women’s endowments, agency, and opportunities shape those of the next generation Greater control over household resources by women leads to more investment in children’s human capital, with dynamic positive effects on economic growth. Evidence from a range
6 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 Increasing women's individual and collective to systematically favor the interests of those with agency leads to better outcomes,institutions, more influence.Institutional constraints and and policy choices market failures that feed gender inequalities are Agency is about one's ability to make choices- less likely to be addressed and corrected,leading and to transform them into desired actions and to their persistence.As highlighted in the World outcomes.Across all countries and cultures, Development Report 2006:Equity and Develop- there are differences between men's and women's ment,an“inequality trap”may thus emerge, ability to make these choices,usually to women's preventing generations of women from getting disadvantage.These gendered differences mat- educated and taking up economic opportuni- ter for women's well-being but also for a whole ties on a par with men,reducing their ability to set of outcomes for their families and for soci- make informed choices and to realize their po- ety in general.Women's agency influences their tential as individuals.23 ability to build their human capital and take up economic opportunities.In Bangladesh,women with greater control over health care and house- WHAT DOES THIS REPORT DO? hold purchases have higher nutritional status. Women's agency also matters for the welfare of This Report focuses on the economics of gender their children.In Mexico,the daughters (but equality and development.It uses economic the- not the sons)of women with more control ory to understand what drives differences in key over household decisions work fewer hours on aspects of welfare between men and women- household tasks. education and health,access to economic op- Women's collective agency can be transfor- portunities and productive resources,and the mative for society.It can shape the institutions, ability to make effective choices and take ac- markets,and social norms that limit their indi- tion.And it uses the same economic lens to vidual agency and opportunities.Empowering explore what policy interventions and broader women as political and social actors can change societal action can be taken to reduce these policy choices and make institutions more rep- gender differences and improve development resentative of a range of voices.Female suffrage outcomes generally.The Report does not limit in the United States led policy makers to turn itself to economic outcomes-indeed,it devotes their attention to child and maternal health and roughly equal attention to human endowments, helped lower infant mortality by 8 to 15 per- economic opportunities,and women's agency, cent.19 In India,giving power to women at the signaling the importance of all three interrelated local level(through political quotas)led to in- aspects in human welfare.Nor does it ignore the creases in the provision of public goods (both central role of social and political institutions female-preferred ones such as water and sani- whether formal or informal,in determining tation and male-preferred goods such as irri- gender outcomes.But in its framing of the issues gation and schools)and reduced corruption.20 and in the evidence it brings to the case for gen- Bribes paid by men and women in villages with der equality,it draws heavily on the economic a female leader were 2.7 to 3.2 percentage points literature on gender. less than in villages with a male leader.21 In India We adopt this approach for four reasons.First, and Nepal,giving women a bigger say in man- it provides valuable insights into how key gender aging forests significantly improved conserva- outcomes emerge and evolve as the development tion outcomes.22 Women's greater public voice process unfolds,as well as how the role and ef- not only benefits women and children but can fectiveness of policy influence these outcomes. also benefit men.In many rich countries,greater Second,it builds on a tradition of World Bank female participation in economic activity has work on the economics of gender(most notably, combined with their increased representation the Engendering Development report24)and on in political leadership to reshape social views on the institution's strongest areas of expertise and balancing work and family life in general and to specialization.Third,there are significant data pass more family-friendly labor legislation. and knowledge gaps that we can help fill in this Conversely,when women and men do not area.Fourth,while the Report often arrives at di- have equal chances to be socially and politically agnoses similar to those of other approaches,it active and to influence laws,politics,and policy provides different insights into the policy levers making,institutions and policies are more likely that can be used in support of gender equality
6 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 Increasing women’s individual and collective agency leads to better outcomes, institutions, and policy choices Agency is about one’s ability to make choices— and to transform them into desired actions and outcomes. Across all countries and cultures, there are differences between men’s and women’s ability to make these choices, usually to women’s disadvantage. These gendered differences matter for women’s well-being but also for a whole set of outcomes for their families and for society in general. Women’s agency infl uences their ability to build their human capital and take up economic opportunities. In Bangladesh, women with greater control over health care and household purchases have higher nutritional status. Women’s agency also matters for the welfare of their children. In Mexico, the daughters (but not the sons) of women with more control over household decisions work fewer hours on household tasks. Women’s collective agency can be transformative for society. It can shape the institutions, markets, and social norms that limit their individual agency and opportunities. Empowering women as political and social actors can change policy choices and make institutions more representative of a range of voices. Female suffrage in the United States led policy makers to turn their attention to child and maternal health and helped lower infant mortality by 8 to 15 percent.19 In India, giving power to women at the local level (through political quotas) led to increases in the provision of public goods (both female-preferred ones such as water and sanitation and male-preferred goods such as irrigation and schools) and reduced corruption.20 Bribes paid by men and women in villages with a female leader were 2.7 to 3.2 percentage points less than in villages with a male leader.21 In India and Nepal, giving women a bigger say in managing forests signifi cantly improved conservation outcomes.22 Women’s greater public voice not only benefi ts women and children but can also benefi t men. In many rich countries, greater female participation in economic activity has combined with their increased representation in political leadership to reshape social views on balancing work and family life in general and to pass more family-friendly labor legislation. Conversely, when women and men do not have equal chances to be socially and politically active and to infl uence laws, politics, and policy making, institutions and policies are more likely to systematically favor the interests of those with more infl uence. Institutional constraints and market failures that feed gender inequalities are less likely to be addressed and corrected, leading to their persistence. As highlighted in the World Development Report 2006: Equity and Development, an “inequality trap” may thus emerge, preventing generations of women from getting educated and taking up economic opportunities on a par with men, reducing their ability to make informed choices and to realize their potential as individuals.23 WHAT DOES THIS REPORT DO? This Report focuses on the economics of gender equality and development. It uses economic theory to understand what drives differences in key aspects of welfare between men and women— education and health, access to economic opportunities and productive resources, and the ability to make effective choices and take action. And it uses the same economic lens to explore what policy interventions and broader societal action can be taken to reduce these gender differences and improve development outcomes generally. The Report does not limit itself to economic outcomes—indeed, it devotes roughly equal attention to human endowments, economic opportunities, and women’s agency, signaling the importance of all three interrelated aspects in human welfare. Nor does it ignore the central role of social and political institutions, whether formal or informal, in determining gender outcomes. But in its framing of the issues and in the evidence it brings to the case for gender equality, it draws heavily on the economic literature on gender. We adopt this approach for four reasons. First, it provides valuable insights into how key gender outcomes emerge and evolve as the development process unfolds, as well as how the role and effectiveness of policy infl uence these outcomes. Second, it builds on a tradition of World Bank work on the economics of gender (most notably, the Engendering Development report24) and on the institution’s strongest areas of expertise and specialization. Third, there are signifi cant data and knowledge gaps that we can help fi ll in this area. Fourth, while the Report often arrives at diagnoses similar to those of other approaches, it provides different insights into the policy levers that can be used in support of gender equality
Overview 7 The Report focuses largely on inequalities affecting women,dwelling on ones likely to be Box3 How women and men define gender in the reproduced and passed on to the next genera- 21st century tion.But it also focuses on inequalities affecting men,while recognizing that most of these male To inform this Report the World Bank conducted new field research in 19 coun- inequalities affect fewer realms of welfare. tries in all regions to gain a first-hand look at how men and women experience We adopt an empirical approach,prefer- gender in their everyday lives. ring rigorous and evidence-based analysis and Women and men from all age groups,incomes,and locations see educa- highlighting causality where feasible.For this, tion,the ownership of assets,access to economic opportunities,and we draw on a large and growing body of quan- opportunities to earn an income as the keys to improving their well-being and titative gender research,complemented by new that of their families.In 500 focus groups,researchers identified women's and men's roles and responsibilities in private and public spheres-with women's analysis,particularly on time use,domestic tasks being largely associated with family care and home production,and violence,mortality risks,and inputs into agri- men's with income generation and decision making.But differences across culture and entrepreneurship.We also draw on generations clearly show that these roles are being redefined in a world that new qualitative field research with more than offers new opportunities and demands for both men and women. 4,000 men and women in 98 communities from The findings also show that old problems persist in new settings even as 19 developing countries,exploring how gender new challenges are emerging.Many groups face pervasive disadvantages-for them,change remains an aspiration for future generations but not a reality in affects their everyday lives and their aspirations, their everyday lives. education,job choices,decision making,and other aspects of well-being(box 3).25 A global report like this one cannot provide Source:World Bank 2011. Nore:The exercise was conducted with men and women of different age groups in 98 communities (about in-depth analysis of specific country circum- 4,000 individuals)in Latin America(Dominican Republic and Peru),Europe and Central Asia (Moldova,Po- stances.Nor can it cover all relevant dimensions land,and Serbia),Africa (Burkina Faso,Liberia,Sudan,South Africa,and Tanzania),South Asia (Afghanistan Bhutan,and India),the Middle East(West Bank and Gaza and the Republic of Yemen),East Asia(Indonesia of gender equality.Instead,it proposes a con- and Vietnam),and the Pacific Islands (Fiji and Papua New Guinea). ceptual framework to explain gender inequal- ity and recommend public action,which can be adapted as necessary to specific countries, Drawing on past and recent work on gender issues,and sectors.It then illustrates the use of and development within the World Bank26 and this framework by focusing on aspects of gen- elsewhere,the Report posits that gender out- der equality where there has been most progress comes can be understood through the responses worldwide(education,fertility,life expectancy, of households to the functioning and structure labor force participation,and the extension of of markets and institutions,both formal and in- legal rights)and where there has been little or formal.Families decide how many children to very slow change (excess female mortality,seg- have and when,how much to spend on educa- regation in economic activity,gaps in earnings, tion and health for daughters and sons,how to responsibility for house and care work,asset allocate different tasks (inside and outside the ownership,and women's agency in private and household),and other matters that influence public spheres). gender outcomes. I believe that a woman must be educated and must work in order to prove herself in society and to be a better mother. Young woman in Rafah city,West Bank and Gaza Women should work.Why should I stay at home if I can work outside?I should also earn income and my people and myself should enjoy the money I can make Those days where our mothers were to ask for money from our fathers,even for simple things like underwear are gone:we need our own money and this means that we should work. Young woman in Bukoba municipality,Tanzania
Overview 7 Drawing on past and recent work on gender and development within the World Bank26 and elsewhere, the Report posits that gender outcomes can be understood through the responses of households to the functioning and structure of markets and institutions, both formal and informal. Families decide how many children to have and when, how much to spend on education and health for daughters and sons, how to allocate different tasks (inside and outside the household), and other matters that infl uence gender outcomes. The Report focuses largely on inequalities affecting women, dwelling on ones likely to be reproduced and passed on to the next generation. But it also focuses on inequalities affecting men, while recognizing that most of these male inequalities affect fewer realms of welfare. We adopt an empirical approach, preferring rigorous and evidence-based analysis and highlighting causality where feasible. For this, we draw on a large and growing body of quantitative gender research, complemented by new analysis, particularly on time use, domestic violence, mortality risks, and inputs into agriculture and entrepreneurship. We also draw on new qualitative fi eld research with more than 4,000 men and women in 98 communities from 19 developing countries, exploring how gender affects their everyday lives and their aspirations, education, job choices, decision making, and other aspects of well-being (box 3).25 A global report like this one cannot provide in-depth analysis of specifi c country circumstances. Nor can it cover all relevant dimensions of gender equality. Instead, it proposes a conceptual framework to explain gender inequality and recommend public action, which can be adapted as necessary to specifi c countries, issues, and sectors. It then illustrates the use of this framework by focusing on aspects of gender equality where there has been most progress worldwide (education, fertility, life expectancy, labor force participation, and the extension of legal rights) and where there has been little or very slow change (excess female mortality, segregation in economic activity, gaps in earnings, responsibility for house and care work, asset ownership, and women’s agency in private and public spheres). To inform this Report the World Bank conducted new fi eld research in 19 countries in all regions to gain a fi rst-hand look at how men and women experience gender in their everyday lives. Women and men from all age groups, incomes, and locations see education, the ownership of assets, access to economic opportunities, and opportunities to earn an income as the keys to improving their well-being and that of their families. In 500 focus groups, researchers identifi ed women’s and men’s roles and responsibilities in private and public spheres—with women’s tasks being largely associated with family care and home production, and men’s with income generation and decision making. But diff erences across generations clearly show that these roles are being redefi ned in a world that off ers new opportunities and demands for both men and women. The fi ndings also show that old problems persist in new settings even as new challenges are emerging. Many groups face pervasive disadvantages—for them, change remains an aspiration for future generations but not a reality in their everyday lives. Source: World Bank 2011. Note: The exercise was conducted with men and women of diff erent age groups in 98 communities (about 4,000 individuals) in Latin America (Dominican Republic and Peru), Europe and Central Asia (Moldova, Poland, and Serbia), Africa (Burkina Faso, Liberia, Sudan, South Africa, and Tanzania), South Asia (Afghanistan, Bhutan, and India), the Middle East (West Bank and Gaza and the Republic of Yemen), East Asia (Indonesia and Vietnam), and the Pacifi c Islands (Fiji and Papua New Guinea). BOX 3 How women and men define gender in the 21st century I believe that a woman must be educated and must work in order to prove herself in society and to be a better mother. Young woman in Rafah city, West Bank and Gaza Women should work. Why should I stay at home if I can work outside? I should also earn income and my people and myself should enjoy the money I can make. Those days where our mothers were to ask for money from our fathers, even for simple things like underwear are gone: we need our own money and this means that we should work. Young woman in Bukoba municipality, Tanzania “
8 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 (box 4).Voice and bargaining power of house- Box 4 What do we mean by markets,formal institutions, hold members are defined by a range of factors, and informal social institutions? including their ownership of and control over resources,their ability to leave the household (exit options),and social norms.In this way, Markets-a variety of arrangements that allow buyers and sellers to exchange household decision making,markets,formal (the rights over)any type of goods and services subject to a set of rules.Markets allow for any item that is exchanged to be evaluated and priced.Markets can be institutions,and informal institutions combine influenced and shaped by formal and informal institutions. and interact to determine gender-related out- comes (figure 1). Formal institutions-all aspects that pertain to the functioning of the state, The benefits of economic development(the including laws,regulatory frameworks,and mechanisms for the delivery of ser- combination of higher incomes and better ser- vices that the state provides (such as judicial services,police services,basic infra- structure,health,and education). vice delivery institutions)on gender outcomes can be seen clearly through this framework as Informal social institutions-the mechanisms,rules,and procedures that shape social interactions but do not pertain to the functioning of the state.In this emerging from the workings of households, Report,the focus is on gender roles,beliefs,social norms,and social networks. markets,and institutions and their interactions. Gender roles provide guides to normative behaviors for each sex within certain These impacts are illustrated in figure 1 by the social contexts.Roles gain power as they are learned through socialization,elab- 'growth"arrow that turns the gears in the di- orated in cultural products,and enacted in daily life.The repeated experience of rection of greater gender equality.The impact of performing gender roles affects widely shared beliefs about men's and women's more gender equality on growth is in turn cap- attributes and one's own sense of identity.Social norms refer to patterns of tured by the "gender equality"arrow that flows behavior that flow from socially shared beliefs and are enforced by informal social sanctions.These can affect household bargaining in many ways:they set limits back into higher growth. on what can be bargained about;they can be a determinant of or constraint to bargaining power;they can affect how bargaining is conducted;and they them- selves can be subject to bargaining and can change.Social networks refer to the WHERE HAS THERE BEEN THE MOST system of social relationships and bonds of cooperation for mutual benefit that PROGRESS IN GENDER EQUALITY? shape one's opportunities,information,social norms,and perceptions. For women and girls in developing countries, Sources:Agarwal 1994,1997:Fehr,Fischbacher,and Gatcher 2002;Kabeer 1999:Sen 1990 much has changed for the better in the past quarter century.Take female life expectancy at They make these choices on the basis of the birth.It increased dramatically in developing preferences,incentives,and constraints of dif- countries (by 20 to 25 years in most regions in ferent family members,and in relation to their the past 50 years)to reach 71 years globally in relative voice and bargaining power.Preferences 2007(compared with 67 for men),and women are shaped by gender roles,social norms,and now outlive men in every region of the world. social networks(which we group under the label The changes were much faster than when to- informal institutions).Incentives are largely in- day's rich countries were poorer.It took more fluenced by markets (including the markets for than 100 years for the number of children born labor,credit,land,and goods),which determine to a woman in the United States to decline from the returns to household decisions and invest-6 to 3;the same decline took just over 35 years ments.Constraints arise from the interplay of in India and less than 20 in Iran (figure 2).The formal institutions(comprising all that pertain same patterns can be seen in primary education. to the functioning of the state)and markets but It took the United States 40 years (from 1870 also reflect the influence of informal institutions until 1910)to increase enrollments among girls aged 6 to 12 years from 57 percent to 88 percent; Morocco achieved a similar increase for this age Ithink women should go out as well to look group in just over a decade(from 58 percent in for a job because men are failing to get jobs; 1997 to 88 percent in 2008). for women it is easier because they have more Girls'education options.● Progress in closing gender gaps in education has Young man in rural Ngonyameni, been steady and sustained at all levels-primary, South Africa secondary,and tertiary.In many countries,and especially for higher education,these gaps are
8 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 (box 4). Voice and bargaining power of household members are defi ned by a range of factors, including their ownership of and control over resources, their ability to leave the household (exit options), and social norms. In this way, household decision making, markets, formal institutions, and informal institutions combine and interact to determine gender-related outcomes (fi gure 1). The benefi ts of economic development (the combination of higher incomes and better service delivery institutions) on gender outcomes can be seen clearly through this framework as emerging from the workings of households, markets, and institutions and their interactions. These impacts are illustrated in fi gure 1 by the “growth” arrow that turns the gears in the direction of greater gender equality. The impact of more gender equality on growth is in turn captured by the “gender equality” arrow that fl ows back into higher growth. WHERE HAS THERE BEEN THE MOST PROGRESS IN GENDER EQUALITY? For women and girls in developing countries, much has changed for the better in the past quarter century. Take female life expectancy at birth. It increased dramatically in developing countries (by 20 to 25 years in most regions in the past 50 years) to reach 71 years globally in 2007 (compared with 67 for men), and women now outlive men in every region of the world. The changes were much faster than when today’s rich countries were poorer. It took more than 100 years for the number of children born to a woman in the United States to decline from 6 to 3; the same decline took just over 35 years in India and less than 20 in Iran (fi gure 2). The same patterns can be seen in primary education. It took the United States 40 years (from 1870 until 1910) to increase enrollments among girls aged 6 to 12 years from 57 percent to 88 percent; Morocco achieved a similar increase for this age group in just over a decade (from 58 percent in 1997 to 88 percent in 2008). Girls’ education Progress in closing gender gaps in education has been steady and sustained at all levels—primary, secondary, and tertiary. In many countries, and especially for higher education, these gaps are They make these choices on the basis of the preferences, incentives, and constraints of different family members, and in relation to their relative voice and bargaining power. Preferences are shaped by gender roles, social norms, and social networks (which we group under the label informal institutions). Incentives are largely in- fl uenced by markets (including the markets for labor, credit, land, and goods), which determine the returns to household decisions and investments. Constraints arise from the interplay of formal institutions (comprising all that pertain to the functioning of the state) and markets but also refl ect the infl uence of informal institutions Markets—a variety of arrangements that allow buyers and sellers to exchange (the rights over) any type of goods and services subject to a set of rules. Markets allow for any item that is exchanged to be evaluated and priced. Markets can be infl uenced and shaped by formal and informal institutions. Formal institutions—all aspects that pertain to the functioning of the state, including laws, regulatory frameworks, and mechanisms for the delivery of services that the state provides (such as judicial services, police services, basic infrastructure, health, and education). Informal social institutions—the mechanisms, rules, and procedures that shape social interactions but do not pertain to the functioning of the state. In this Report, the focus is on gender roles, beliefs, social norms, and social networks. Gender roles provide guides to normative behaviors for each sex within certain social contexts. Roles gain power as they are learned through socialization, elaborated in cultural products, and enacted in daily life. The repeated experience of performing gender roles aff ects widely shared beliefs about men’s and women’s attributes and one’s own sense of identity. Social norms refer to patterns of behavior that fl ow from socially shared beliefs and are enforced by informal social sanctions. These can aff ect household bargaining in many ways: they set limits on what can be bargained about; they can be a determinant of or constraint to bargaining power; they can aff ect how bargaining is conducted; and they themselves can be subject to bargaining and can change. Social networks refer to the system of social relationships and bonds of cooperation for mutual benefi t that shape one’s opportunities, information, social norms, and perceptions. BOX 4 What do we mean by markets, formal institutions, and informal social institutions? Sources: Agarwal 1994, 1997; Fehr, Fischbacher, and Gätcher 2002; Kabeer 1999; Sen 1990. “ ” I think women should go out as well to look for a job because men are failing to get jobs; for women it is easier because they have more options. Young man in rural Ngonyameni, South Africa
Overview FIGURE 1 Gender outcomes result from interactions between households,markets,and institutions GENDER EQUALITY policies INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES MARKETS HOUSEHOLDS AGENCY ENDOWMENTS FORMAL INSTITUTIONS Lan GROWTH Source:WDR 2012 team. now reversing,with boys and young men at a FIGURE 2 Across the world,women relative disadvantage.Two-thirds of all coun- are having fewer children tries have reached gender parity in primary education enrollments,while in over one-third, How fast can fertility decline? girls significantly outnumber boys in secondary education (figure 3).Even in regions with the Iran, Islamic Rep. largest remaining gender gaps-South Asia and Bangladesh Sub-Saharan Africa(particularly West Africa)- there have been considerable gains.And in a Morocco striking reversal of historical patterns,more Zimbabwe women than men now attend universities,with women's tertiary enrollment across the globe Colombia having risen more than sevenfold since 1970 India (fourfold for men).Yet while boy disadvantage United is slowly emerging in some places,girl disadvan- States tage where it exists tends to emerge earlier in life 0 20406080100 and is deeper. number of years for the total fertility rate to fall from more than 6 children Women's market work to less than 3 Women's labor force participation has grown in the past 30 years as expanding economic op- Source:www.gapminder.org portunities have drawn many female workers
Overview 9 now reversing, with boys and young men at a relative disadvantage. Two-thirds of all countries have reached gender parity in primary education enrollments, while in over one-third, girls signifi cantly outnumber boys in secondary education (fi gure 3). Even in regions with the largest remaining gender gaps—South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa (particularly West Africa)— there have been considerable gains. And in a striking reversal of historical patterns, more women than men now attend universities, with women’s tertiary enrollment across the globe having risen more than sevenfold since 1970 (fourfold for men). Yet while boy disadvantage is slowly emerging in some places, girl disadvantage where it exists tends to emerge earlier in life and is deeper. Women’s market work Women’s labor force participation has grown in the past 30 years as expanding economic opportunities have drawn many female workers FIGURE 1 Gender outcomes result from interactions between households, markets, and institutions HOUSEHOLDS FORMAL INSTITUTIONS MARKETS INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ENDOWMENTS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES AGENCY policies GENDER EQUALITY GROWTH FIGURE 2 Across the world, women are having fewer children Source: www.gapminder.org United States India Colombia Zimbabwe Morocco Bangladesh Iran, Islamic Rep. 0 20 40 100 number of years for the total fertility rate to fall from more than 6 children to less than 3 How fast can fertility decline? 60 80 Source: WDR 2012 team