Journal of Contemporary China (2012),21(77),September,845-862 Routledge Development and Division:the effect of transnational linkages and local politics on LGBT activism in China TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT* Identity movements,such as those representing LGBT communities,are assumed to be highly universalized;they are often thought to be highly dependent upon international linkages in order to emerge and develop.Although the Chinese LGBT movement owes much of its development to global civil society and international donors,this article presents survey and interview data that show its linkages with the international community are not as strong as we might expect.The article shows that economics and politics of transnational activism in China are tightly intertwined.The means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has simultaneously contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society:the nature of international funding-while from foreign sources it is funneled through the Chinese government-and local political conditions ultimately impedes the growth of stronger transnational linkages. The international Lesbian,Gay,Bisexual,and Transgender/sexual(LGBT)movement is often credited when gay and lesbian activists 'come out of the closest'in developing countries.Perhaps the fledgling LGBT activism in China might,too,be the result of strong linkages to these,and other,transnational actors.'Indicative of this,Chinese LGBT activists describe international funding as the lifeblood of their organizations; there would be no development without it.Increased accessibility to information technologies has facilitated the reach of a globalized gay movement(as fractured and atomized as it may be)to new frontiers,like China.Linkages between local and global activists are particularly apparent in shared public repertoires:Western-styled drag shows;mock gay weddings in Beijing;and an ill-fated attempt to hold the first Mr Gay China pageant. *Timothy Hildebrandt is a fellow at the US-China Institute at the University of Souther Califoria and teaches at USC's School of International Relations.His book,Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China (under contract at Cambridge University Press).examines the emergence of domestic NGOs.their relationship with government,and the role they play in strengthening China's authoritarian regime.The author can be reached by email at tim.hildebrandt @gmail.com. 1.Although some groups are 'LGBT'in name,few are in practice.Most represent gay men or lesbian women, which have grown apart in recent years:and bisexuals and transgender/sexuals have gone mostly unrepresented.With these qualifications in mind,I use LGBT throughout this paper as shorthand for the universe of these activists,NGOs. and citizens with the understanding that in China,as in other parts of the world,LGBT activism is rarely as representative of all identities as the acronym implies. ISSN 1067-0564 print/1469-9400 online/12/770845-18 2012 Taylor Francis http:/.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.684967
Development and Division: the effect of transnational linkages and local politics on LGBT activism in China TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT* Identity movements, such as those representing LGBT communities, are assumed to be highly universalized; they are often thought to be highly dependent upon international linkages in order to emerge and develop. Although the Chinese LGBT movement owes much of its development to global civil society and international donors, this article presents survey and interview data that show its linkages with the international community are not as strong as we might expect. The article shows that economics and politics of transnational activism in China are tightly intertwined. The means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has simultaneously contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society: the nature of international funding—while from foreign sources it is funneled through the Chinese government—and local political conditions ultimately impedes the growth of stronger transnational linkages. The international Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender/sexual (LGBT) movement is often credited when gay and lesbian activists ‘come out of the closest’ in developing countries. Perhaps the fledgling LGBT activism in China might, too, be the result of strong linkages to these, and other, transnational actors.1 Indicative of this, Chinese LGBT activists describe international funding as the lifeblood of their organizations; there would be no development without it. Increased accessibility to information technologies has facilitated the reach of a globalized gay movement (as fractured and atomized as it may be) to new frontiers, like China. Linkages between local and global activists are particularly apparent in shared public repertoires: Western-styled drag shows; mock gay weddings in Beijing; and an ill-fated attempt to hold the first Mr Gay China pageant. * Timothy Hildebrandt is a fellow at the US–China Institute at the University of Southern California and teaches at USC’s School of International Relations. His book, Social Organizations and the Authoritarian State in China (under contract at Cambridge University Press), examines the emergence of domestic NGOs, their relationship with government, and the role they play in strengthening China’s authoritarian regime. The author can be reached by email at tim.hildebrandt@gmail.com. 1. Although some groups are ‘LGBT’ in name, few are in practice. Most represent gay men or lesbian women, which have grown apart in recent years; and bisexuals and transgender/sexuals have gone mostly unrepresented. With these qualifications in mind, I use LGBT throughout this paper as shorthand for the universe of these activists, NGOs, and citizens with the understanding that in China, as in other parts of the world, LGBT activism is rarely as representative of all identities as the acronym implies. Journal of Contemporary China (2012), 21(77), September, 845–862 ISSN 1067-0564 print/ 1469-9400 online/12/770845–18 q 2012 Taylor & Francis http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.684967
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT Nonetheless,state-society relations complicate the relationship between Chinese LGBT activists and the international community.In this article,I argue that while LGBT activists and NGOs have benefited from ties to the international community- and the funding that can accompany them-these organizations are highly dependent upon the good will of the state in allowing them to exist in the first place.As a result, activists work to preserve ties with the state even if it is at the expense of those with global civil society or other Chinese activists.I show that the nature of political opportunities granted by the government and economic opportunities provided by foreign sources negatively affects activists'ability to network.In other words,the means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has also contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society.The above line of argument illustrates a theme of this collection of articles,that the opportunity created by international and government linkages also constrains or shapes NGOs'activities. LGBT transnational activism has received scant scholarly attention.Most work explores the globalization of gay identities,while considerably less examines the effect of domestic political conditions and transnational linkages on local gay and lesbian activism.This article aims to fill this gap in the literature.Findings are drawn from 25 in-depth anonymous interviews of gay and lesbian activists in China, conducted from June 2007 to April 2008,and a survey of nearly 50 LGBT social organization leaders administered in March 2008.3 The article proceeds as follows:the first section profiles identity and political economy explanations for why transnational linkages should exist,and outlines the boomerang model,a mechanism by which linkages might emerge.Next,I present data that show linkages are not as strong as we might expect.The third section offers reasons why ties to the international community among LGBT activists are not strong.I dissect the boomerang model,showing how it has limited application in China.I draw attention to the role that domestic political conditions play in limiting these linkages,demonstrating that strong dyadic relations with the government in China shape activists'relationships with domestic and international actors.Finally, I explore the implications of these conditions and weak linkages,highlighting how they contribute to division within the sector and affect the long-term viability of LGBT activism in China. Expectations for strong international linkages Studies of other Asian countries suggest two different ways to explain change in sexual cultures and the emergence of more public LGBT communities:anthropological (or identity)explanations and political economy rationales.*Accordingly,I offer two similar explanations for the emergence of LGBT activism in China and the role of international linkages in this development.First,there is a strong transnational 2.Scott Wilson."Introduction:Chinese NGOs-international and online linkages',Journal of Contemporary China 21(76).(July 2012). 3.Data were collected as part of a larger multi-case study on NGO-government relations in China;see Timothy Hildebrandt,Forging a Harmonious Middle Path:Chinese Social Organizations and the State.Ph.D.dissertation. University of Wisconsin-Madison.2009. 4.Dennis Altman,'Rupture or continuity?The internationalization of gay identities',Social Texr (1996) 846
Nonetheless, state –society relations complicate the relationship between Chinese LGBT activists and the international community. In this article, I argue that while LGBT activists and NGOs have benefited from ties to the international community— and the funding that can accompany them—these organizations are highly dependent upon the good will of the state in allowing them to exist in the first place. As a result, activists work to preserve ties with the state even if it is at the expense of those with global civil society or other Chinese activists. I show that the nature of political opportunities granted by the government and economic opportunities provided by foreign sources negatively affects activists’ ability to network. In other words, the means by which LGBT activism has developed in China has also contributed to division within its ranks and with global civil society. The above line of argument illustrates a theme of this collection of articles, that the opportunity created by international and government linkages also constrains or shapes NGOs’ activities.2 LGBT transnational activism has received scant scholarly attention. Most work explores the globalization of gay identities, while considerably less examines the effect of domestic political conditions and transnational linkages on local gay and lesbian activism. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature. Findings are drawn from 25 in-depth anonymous interviews of gay and lesbian activists in China, conducted from June 2007 to April 2008, and a survey of nearly 50 LGBT social organization leaders administered in March 2008.3 The article proceeds as follows: the first section profiles identity and political economy explanations for why transnational linkages should exist, and outlines the boomerang model, a mechanism by which linkages might emerge. Next, I present data that show linkages are not as strong as we might expect. The third section offers reasons why ties to the international community among LGBT activists are not strong. I dissect the boomerang model, showing how it has limited application in China. I draw attention to the role that domestic political conditions play in limiting these linkages, demonstrating that strong dyadic relations with the government in China shape activists’ relationships with domestic and international actors. Finally, I explore the implications of these conditions and weak linkages, highlighting how they contribute to division within the sector and affect the long-term viability of LGBT activism in China. Expectations for strong international linkages Studies of other Asian countries suggest two different ways to explain change in sexual cultures and the emergence of more public LGBT communities: anthropological (or identity) explanations and political economy rationales.4 Accordingly, I offer two similar explanations for the emergence of LGBT activism in China and the role of international linkages in this development. First, there is a strong transnational 2. Scott Wilson, ‘Introduction: Chinese NGOs—international and online linkages’, Journal of Contemporary China 21(76), (July 2012). 3. Data were collected as part of a larger multi-case study on NGO–government relations in China; see Timothy Hildebrandt, Forging a Harmonious Middle Path: Chinese Social Organizations and the State, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2009. 4. Dennis Altman, ‘Rupture or continuity? The internationalization of gay identities’, Social Text (1996). TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 846
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA element to modern notions of a homosexual identity.Same-sex sexuality has transcended its own cultural and historical roots to become universalized'.Being gay in China involves crossing both cultural and national boundaries;transcending local identities is necessary for owning a global gay identity.'The inherent universality of homosexuality should make a Chinese LGBT movement ripe for boasting strong ties to the international community. The construction of this universal identity is facilitated by economic development and globalization.Advances in information technology expand knowledge and understanding of non-traditional sexual practices.As China increases its interaction with the international community,locals have had more opportunities to explore same-sex identities.Early ties with the global lesbian activist community were made during the 1995 United Nations World Women's Conference in Beijing.The presence of foreign gays and lesbians in large cities(e.g.expatriate businesspeople and foreign students)plays a key role as well,leading Rofel to conclude that,'the transnational quality of gayness in China is both visible and visceral'.Because the globalization of a gay identity is contingent upon increased physical-and informational-linkages between LGBT persons,an identity explanation is closely tied to a political economy one. Transnational networks usually emerge from a combination of new pressing problems around which actors coalesce,and related opportunities that facilitate such convergence.Activist organizations in the global south have generally increased in number and size due to funding from foreign government aid agencies,inter- governmental programs,and private foundations.0 Thus,transnational LGBT activism might grow in China due to the political and economic opportunities made available to combat the growing HIV/AIDS problem.This public health crisis has opened political space for activists worldwide and facilitated increased interaction with the international community (usually as a donor-recipient relationship).In developing countries hit by the crisis,private donors (e.g.the Gates and Clinton foundations),international organizations(e.g.the Global Fund),and foreign govern- ment aid agencies (e.g.DFID and USAID),have identified the importance of civil society organizations in implementing AlDS education programs.Because the gay population has been traditionally difficult to reach (like other HIV/AIDS high-risk groups),LGBT activists and organizations have received funds and training to serve this group.Moreover,activists are commonly invited to participate in national, regional,and global conferences.These interactions make the situation generally favorable for strong bonds between LGBT activists and the international community.11 5.Carl F.Stychin.'Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse'.McGill Law Journal 49.(2004).p.954. 6.Lisa Rofel,'Qualities of desire:imagining gay identities in China',GLO:A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies5(4).(1999),p.458. 7.However,Altman suggests that becoming part of a global community need not require denying other identities such as race and nationality:see Dennis Altman.'Global gaze/global gays',GLO:A Joumal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3.(1997),p.424.This is particularly important in China where citizens can be fiercely nationalistic. 8.bid,p.429. 9.Rofel,'Qualities of desire',p.452. 10.Rita Jalali.'International funding of NGOs in India:bringing the state back in',Voluntas 19.(2008).p.163 11.Dennis Altman.'Sexuality and globalization',Sexuality Research Social Policy 1.(2004).pp.63-68. 847
element to modern notions of a homosexual identity. Same-sex sexuality has ‘transcended its own cultural and historical roots to become universalized’.5Being gay in China involves crossing both cultural and national boundaries;6 transcending local identities is necessary for owning a global gay identity.7 The inherent universality of homosexuality should make a Chinese LGBT movement ripe for boasting strong ties to the international community. The construction of this universal identity is facilitated by economic development and globalization. Advances in information technology expand knowledge and understanding of non-traditional sexual practices.8 As China increases its interaction with the international community, locals have had more opportunities to explore same-sex identities. Early ties with the global lesbian activist community were made during the 1995 United Nations World Women’s Conference in Beijing. The presence of foreign gays and lesbians in large cities (e.g. expatriate businesspeople and foreign students) plays a key role as well, leading Rofel to conclude that, ‘the transnational quality of gayness in China is both visible and visceral’.9 Because the globalization of a gay identity is contingent upon increased physical—and informational—linkages between LGBT persons, an identity explanation is closely tied to a political economy one. Transnational networks usually emerge from a combination of new pressing problems around which actors coalesce, and related opportunities that facilitate such convergence. Activist organizations in the global south have generally increased in number and size due to funding from foreign government aid agencies, intergovernmental programs, and private foundations.10 Thus, transnational LGBT activism might grow in China due to the political and economic opportunities made available to combat the growing HIV/AIDS problem. This public health crisis has opened political space for activists worldwide and facilitated increased interaction with the international community (usually as a donor– recipient relationship). In developing countries hit by the crisis, private donors (e.g. the Gates and Clinton foundations), international organizations (e.g. the Global Fund), and foreign government aid agencies (e.g. DFID and USAID), have identified the importance of civil society organizations in implementing AIDS education programs. Because the gay population has been traditionally difficult to reach (like other HIV/AIDS high-risk groups), LGBT activists and organizations have received funds and training to serve this group. Moreover, activists are commonly invited to participate in national, regional, and global conferences. These interactions make the situation generally favorable for strong bonds between LGBT activists and the international community.11 5. Carl F. Stychin, ‘Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse’, McGill Law Journal 49, (2004), p. 954. 6. Lisa Rofel, ‘Qualities of desire: imagining gay identities in China’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 5(4), (1999), p. 458. 7. However, Altman suggests that becoming part of a global community need not require denying other identities such as race and nationality; see Dennis Altman, ‘Global gaze/global gays’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 3, (1997), p. 424. This is particularly important in China where citizens can be fiercely nationalistic. 8. Ibid., p. 429. 9. Rofel, ‘Qualities of desire’, p. 452. 10. Rita Jalali, ‘International funding of NGOs in India: bringing the state back in’, Voluntas 19, (2008), p. 163. 11. Dennis Altman, ‘Sexuality and globalization’, Sexuality Research & Social Policy 1, (2004), pp. 63–68. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 847
TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT Early efforts to build a truly global gay movement were forestalled by simple economic and logistical concerns:LGBT activists in the developing world often could not afford the expense of participating in events or were unable to obtain necessary travel documents from their home country or the host government,2 but increased access to the Internet should hasten transnational activism.3 Indeed,the proliferation of Internet-based activism has assuaged some of these concerns, allowing a low-cost means to increase and strengthen ties,a point raised in the introduction to this collection of articles.4 Because the Chinese government remains politically closed and often unresponsive to the demands of society,the presence and effect of transnational LGBT activism might be best explained by the literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs),'strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network developed explicit,visible ties and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal'.15 International activists focused on identity are commonly discussed in the TAN literature:6 and lesbian and gay activism is often considered one of the quintessential identity movements.7 The process by which TANs achieve their goals is explained by the 'boomerang model':when domestic civil society groups are blocked by a closed,unresponsive state,they can develop and draw on ties to global civil society,which,in turn,will lobby other states or international organizations to put pressure on the closed state,thus completing the boomerang effect.The boomerang model is said to be well suited for advocating for the rights of marginalized populations in countries where the state does not address their concerns.Thus,we might expect that Chinese LGBT activists would use TANs to meet their goals.Since gays and lesbians have a shared identity that crosses national boundaries,this should make the TAN more successful. Although there is little empirical evidence to support the use of TANs in strengthening the rights of gays and lesbians in closed polities,Stychin recounts one success story:a Romanian NGO in the mid-1990s linked with other European gay groups and received funding from the Dutch government in its effort to repeal anti- gay criminal laws.20 The TAN compelled European countries,and the EU,to pressure Romania by making its admission into the Council of Europe contingent upon shedding these laws.This case might provide reason to be hopeful that LGBT activists in China can use international linkages and throw a boomerang of their own to affect policy change. 12.Martin F.Manalansan,'In the shadows of Stonewall:examining gay transnational politics and the diasporic dilemma'.GLO:A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 2,(1995).p.429. 13.Michele M.Betsill and Harriet Bulkeley.'Transnational networks and global environmental governance:the cities for climate protection program'.Interational Studies Ouarterly 48.(2004),p.475. 14.Wilson.'Introduction'. 15.Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink.Activists beyond Borders (Ithaca.NY:Corell University Press, 1998).D.6. 16.Betsill and Bulkeley.Transnational networks and global environmental governance';Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 17.Alberto Melucci,Nomads of the Present (London:Hutchinson Radius,1989). 18.Keck and Sikkink,Activists beyond Borders. 19.J.Brecher,T.Costello and B.Smith,Globalization from Below:The Power of Solidariry (Cambridge:South End Press,2002):Keck and Sikkink,Activists beyond Borders. 20.Stychin,'Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse',p.961 848
Early efforts to build a truly global gay movement were forestalled by simple economic and logistical concerns: LGBT activists in the developing world often could not afford the expense of participating in events or were unable to obtain necessary travel documents from their home country or the host government,12 but increased access to the Internet should hasten transnational activism.13 Indeed, the proliferation of Internet-based activism has assuaged some of these concerns, allowing a low-cost means to increase and strengthen ties, a point raised in the introduction to this collection of articles.14 Because the Chinese government remains politically closed and often unresponsive to the demands of society, the presence and effect of transnational LGBT activism might be best explained by the literature on transnational advocacy networks (TANs), ‘strategically linked activities in which members of a diffuse principled network developed explicit, visible ties and mutually recognized roles in pursuit of a common goal’.15 International activists focused on identity are commonly discussed in the TAN literature;16 and lesbian and gay activism is often considered one of the quintessential identity movements.17 The process by which TANs achieve their goals is explained by the ‘boomerang model’: when domestic civil society groups are blocked by a closed, unresponsive state, they can develop and draw on ties to global civil society, which, in turn, will lobby other states or international organizations to put pressure on the closed state, thus completing the boomerang effect.18 The boomerang model is said to be well suited for advocating for the rights of marginalized populations in countries where the state does not address their concerns.19 Thus, we might expect that Chinese LGBT activists would use TANs to meet their goals. Since gays and lesbians have a shared identity that crosses national boundaries, this should make the TAN more successful. Although there is little empirical evidence to support the use of TANs in strengthening the rights of gays and lesbians in closed polities, Stychin recounts one success story: a Romanian NGO in the mid-1990s linked with other European gay groups and received funding from the Dutch government in its effort to repeal antigay criminal laws.20 The TAN compelled European countries, and the EU, to pressure Romania by making its admission into the Council of Europe contingent upon shedding these laws. This case might provide reason to be hopeful that LGBT activists in China can use international linkages and throw a boomerang of their own to affect policy change. 12. Martin F. Manalansan, ‘In the shadows of Stonewall: examining gay transnational politics and the diasporic dilemma’, GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 2, (1995), p. 429. 13. Michele M. Betsill and Harriet Bulkeley, ‘Transnational networks and global environmental governance: the cities for climate protection program’, International Studies Quarterly 48, (2004), p. 475. 14. Wilson, ‘Introduction’. 15. Margaret Keck and Kathryn Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1998), p. 6. 16. Betsill and Bulkeley, ‘Transnational networks and global environmental governance’; Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 17. Alberto Melucci, Nomads of the Present (London: Hutchinson Radius, 1989). 18. Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 19. J. Brecher, T. Costello and B. Smith, Globalization from Below: The Power of Solidarity (Cambridge: South End Press, 2002); Keck and Sikkink, Activists beyond Borders. 20. Stychin, ‘Same-sex sexualities and the globalization of human rights discourse’, p. 961. TIMOTHY HILDEBRANDT 848
LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA Data on international ties among LGBT activists Political economy explanations suggest transnational linkages will emerge,in part, because of funds that flow from foreign donors to local activists.Like other NGOs in China,LGBT organizations,in general,enjoy high levels of international funding; leaders acknowledge that they would be unlikely to exist were it not for the financial support of international sources (almost all of which is designated for HIV/AIDS prevention efforts);but,this has not translated into strong ties with global civil society. In the survey,almost every LGBT NGO reported receiving at least some financial support from international sources (foreign governments,multinational corporations, or private foundations).Moreover,nearly 17%of gay groups reported that at least 65% of their budget came from these sources;lesbian organizations boasted slightly higher levels.For gay groups,these figures probably underestimate the actual proportion of operating funds drawn from international sources because many (53%)also report receiving monies from the Chinese government.21 In these cases,funds usually originate from foreign sources but are filtered through government agencies in Beijing and at local levels.If recipients are not fully aware of the source of financial support, bonds between the international community and activists presumed to develop naturally from funding relationships may not be as strong as expected. Quantitatively measuring the strength or weakness of these linkages is difficult and imprecise.However,to uncover general patterns,the survey asked a series of questions about an organization's interactions with international NGOs (INGOs). Gay organizations reported infrequent interaction with international groups.Nearly a third had either no or only rare interaction with INGOs;the modal response was 'once a year'given by 44%of groups.Nearly all of the lesbian groups reported rare or no interaction.For the sake of comparison,among environmental groups that responded to the survey,only 15%reported that they 'rarely'or 'never'interacted with INGOs, while HIV/AIDS organizations had a slightly higher 19%. Relying solely on quantitative measures risks obscuring a more complex truth about the relationship of LGBT activists in China and the intemational community. Interviews with activists reveal tension,competition,and distrust of global civil society. Many express open distaste for these groups,who sometimes 'act like big brothers rather than colleagues'.Representative of many activists interviewed,an NGO leader in Beijing grew agitated when recounting the story of an INGO that'tried to tell us what to do'without having 'proper understanding of the situation'.These groups attempt to control NGOs and,he notes,'even the government!'.Although he would rather 'go it alone',he has no choice but to continue limited interaction with INGOs;his funding depends upon cultivating ties with international groups,not severing them.22 Explanations for weak international linkages There are at least two compelling explanations for infrequent interaction and weak ties with global civil society.Although some predict LGBT activists will maintain strong 21.It is notable(although not surprising.given the HIV/AIDS focus of support)that no lesbian organizations reported receiving funds from the government.I discuss the implications of this in the final section of the article. 22.Interview.Beijing,18 December 2007. 849
Data on international ties among LGBT activists Political economy explanations suggest transnational linkages will emerge, in part, because of funds that flow from foreign donors to local activists. Like other NGOs in China, LGBT organizations, in general, enjoy high levels of international funding; leaders acknowledge that they would be unlikely to exist were it not for the financial support of international sources (almost all of which is designated for HIV/AIDS prevention efforts); but, this has not translated into strong ties with global civil society. In the survey, almost every LGBT NGO reported receiving at least some financial support from international sources (foreign governments, multinational corporations, or private foundations). Moreover, nearly 17% of gay groups reported that at least 65% of their budget came from these sources; lesbian organizations boasted slightly higher levels. For gay groups, these figures probably underestimate the actual proportion of operating funds drawn from international sources because many (53%) also report receiving monies from the Chinese government.21 In these cases, funds usually originate from foreign sources but are filtered through government agencies in Beijing and at local levels. If recipients are not fully aware of the source of financial support, bonds between the international community and activists presumed to develop naturally from funding relationships may not be as strong as expected. Quantitatively measuring the strength or weakness of these linkages is difficult and imprecise. However, to uncover general patterns, the survey asked a series of questions about an organization’s interactions with international NGOs (INGOs). Gay organizations reported infrequent interaction with international groups. Nearly a third had either no or only rare interaction with INGOs; the modal response was ‘once a year’ given by 44% of groups. Nearly all of the lesbian groups reported rare or no interaction. For the sake of comparison, among environmental groups that responded to the survey, only 15% reported that they ‘rarely’ or ‘never’ interacted with INGOs, while HIV/AIDS organizations had a slightly higher 19%. Relying solely on quantitative measures risks obscuring a more complex truth about the relationship of LGBT activists in China and the international community. Interviews with activists reveal tension, competition, and distrust of global civil society. Many express open distaste for these groups, who sometimes ‘act like big brothers rather than colleagues’. Representative of many activists interviewed, an NGO leader in Beijing grew agitated when recounting the story of an INGO that ‘tried to tell us what to do’ without having ‘proper understanding of the situation’. These groups attempt to control NGOs and, he notes, ‘even the government!’. Although he would rather ‘go it alone’, he has no choice but to continue limited interaction with INGOs; his funding depends upon cultivating ties with international groups, not severing them.22 Explanations for weak international linkages There are at least two compelling explanations for infrequent interaction and weak ties with global civil society. Although some predict LGBT activists will maintain strong 21. It is notable (although not surprising, given the HIV/AIDS focus of support) that no lesbian organizations reported receiving funds from the government. I discuss the implications of this in the final section of the article. 22. Interview, Beijing, 18 December 2007. LGBT ACTIVISM IN CHINA 849