THE WORLD BANK：world development report 2012 Gender Equality and Development

WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 FIGURE 3 Gender parity in enrollments at lower levels has been achieved in much of the world,but tertiary enrollments are very low and favor women Primary education Secondary education Tertiary education 100 100 100 Some African Enrollment gaps dwarf men ·, countries lag behind gender gaps disadvantaged ◆ 80 80 0 6 60 60 560- 40 90 40- Women are more likely 20 20 20 to participate girls girls than men disadvantaged disadvantaged 0 0 0 2040 6080 100 40 60 80 100 20 40 60 80 100 school enrollment,boys,net% school enrollment,boys,net school enrollment,men,gross% +East Asia and Pacific Europe and Central Asia Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa x High-income countries Source:WDR 2012 team estimates based on World Development Indicators. Nore:The 45 line in each figure above shows gender parity in enrollments.Any point above the 45 line implies that more women are enrolled relative to men. into the market.Between 1980 and 2008,the tures change so that activities in which men gender gap in participation narrowed from 32 no longer have an advantage become more percentage points to 26 percentage points.By prominent.This shift opens new opportunities 2008,women represented more than 40 percent for women's employment,and households re- of the global labor force.Large increases in par- spond to these signals by educating daughters. ticipation in countries that started with very low Richer countries can also invest in more ac- rates(mainly in Latin America and the Carib- cessible education systems by building schools bean and to a lesser extent in the Middle East and hiring teachers.When combined with bet- and North Africa)combined with small declines ter incentive and accountability systems,these in countries that started with very high rates inputs help deliver better and cheaper services, (mainly in Eastern Europe and Central Asia) lowering the costs of access to households and mean that rates have converged across regions, increasing their use.Where all these factors although significant differences remain.Female have worked together,the gaps have closed rap- labor force participation is lowest in the Mid- idly,as in Morocco. dle East and Northern Africa(26 percent)and But even if bottlenecks appear in any one South Asia(35 percent)and highest in East Asia of these channels-pro-boy preferences within and the Pacific(64 percent)and Sub-Saharan households or inadequacies in the provision of Africa(61 percent). education or slow growth or limits on women's employment opportunities-the other channels What explains progress? still have allowed progress in educating girls.Pol- Where gaps have closed quickly,it has been a icies targeted to getting children to school,such result of how markets and institutions have as the conditional cash transfers used in more functioned and evolved,how growth has played than 30 countries worldwide (many explicitly out,and how all these factors have interacted targeting girls,as in Bangladesh and Cambodia), through household decisions.For education, have also helped.These forces are illustrated in consider each in turn.Higher incomes allow figure 4 by the(green)gears representing house- families that had previously only sent their sons holds,formal institutions,and markets all mov- to school to now send their daughters as well. ing in ways that narrow educational gender gaps As countries get richer,their economic struc- (“oiled”by supportive policies)

10 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 tures change so that activities in which men no longer have an advantage become more prominent. This shift opens new opportunities for women’s employment, and households re￾spond to these signals by educating daughters. Richer countries can also invest in more ac￾cessible education systems by building schools and hiring teachers. When combined with bet￾ter incentive and accountability systems, these inputs help deliver better and cheaper services, lowering the costs of access to households and increasing their use. Where all these factors have worked together, the gaps have closed rap￾idly, as in Morocco. But even if bottlenecks appear in any one of these channels—pro-boy preferences within households or inadequacies in the provision of education or slow growth or limits on women’s employment opportunities—the other channels still have allowed progress in educating girls. Pol￾icies targeted to getting children to school, such as the conditional cash transfers used in more than 30 countries worldwide (many explicitly targeting girls, as in Bangladesh and Cambodia), have also helped. These forces are illustrated in fi gure 4 by the (green) gears representing house￾holds, formal institutions, and markets all mov￾ing in ways that narrow educational gender gaps (“oiled” by supportive policies). into the market. Between 1980 and 2008, the gender gap in participation narrowed from 32 percentage points to 26 percentage points. By 2008, women represented more than 40 percent of the global labor force. Large increases in par￾ticipation in countries that started with very low rates (mainly in Latin America and the Carib￾bean and to a lesser extent in the Middle East and North Africa) combined with small declines in countries that started with very high rates (mainly in Eastern Europe and Central Asia) mean that rates have converged across regions, although signifi cant differences remain. Female labor force participation is lowest in the Mid￾dle East and Northern Africa (26 percent) and South Asia (35 percent) and highest in East Asia and the Pacifi c (64 percent) and Sub-Saharan Africa (61 percent). What explains progress? Where gaps have closed quickly, it has been a result of how markets and institutions have functioned and evolved, how growth has played out, and how all these factors have interacted through household decisions. For education, consider each in turn. Higher incomes allow families that had previously only sent their sons to school to now send their daughters as well. As countries get richer, their economic struc￾FIGURE 3 Gender parity in enrollments at lower levels has been achieved in much of the world, but tertiary enrollments are very low and favor women Source: WDR 2012 team estimates based on World Development Indicators. Note: The 45° line in each fi gure above shows gender parity in enrollments. Any point above the 45° line implies that more women are enrolled relative to men. girls disadvantaged girls disadvantaged Secondary education Tertiary education school enrollment, boys, net % school enrollment, boys, net % 100 80 60 40 20 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 school enrollment, girls, net, % school enrollment, girls, net, % school enrollment, men, gross % school enrollment, women, gross, % men disadvantaged East Asia and Pacific Europe and Central Asia Latin America and the Caribbean Middle East and North Africa South Asia Sub-Saharan Africa Primary education Some African countries lag behind 100 80 60 40 20 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 100 80 60 40 20 0 0 20 40 60 80 100 High-income countries Enrollment gaps dwarf gender gaps Women are more likely to participate than men

Overview 11 FIGURE 4 Using the framework to explain progress in education GENDER EQUALIT policies INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES MARKETS Increasing returns HOUSEHOLDS to education More stable incomes AGENCY ENDOWMENTS FORMAL INSTITUTIONS Lower direct,indirect, and opportunity costs A GROWTH Source:WDR 2012 team The interactions between households,mar- has increased sharply over time.So,at every level kets and institutions can also explain the pattern of per capita income,more women are now en- and pace of female labor force participation.A gaged in economic activity outside the home woman's decision to work outside the home re- than ever before. sponds both to changes in her own wages and There are two main reasons why gains in to changes in her household income.As low- some domains of gender equality in many de- income countries grow richer,women partici-veloping countries came faster than they did for pate less in market workbecause their household today's rich countries when they were at com- incomes also rise.Over time,their education lev- parable incomes.First,the incomes of many els also increase as formal institutions respond. developing countries have grown faster.Since Rising incomes also lead to later marriage and 1950,13 developing countries have grown at childbearing and lower fertility.These factors an average of 7 percent a year for more than 25 all bring women back into the labor force.In 10 years or longer-a pace unprecedented before Latin American countries,almost two-thirds of the latter half of the 20th century.28 Second,the the increase in women's labor force participa- various domains of gender outcomes are inter- tion in the past two decades can be attributed related.So,improvements in one have spurred to more education and to changes in family advances in others.The decline in fertility that formation (later marriage and lower fertility).27 has come with higher incomes has helped lower These different impacts of income growth and the number of deaths associated with maternal rising women's wages lead to a U-shaped pat- mortality.And bearing fewer children has given tern of female labor force participation across women more time to invest in acquiring hu- countries(figure 5).But notably,since 1980,the man capital and to participate in the economy. female participation rate at each level of income Forward-looking parents have responded to the

Overview 11 has increased sharply over time. So, at every level of per capita income, more women are now en￾gaged in economic activity outside the home than ever before. There are two main reasons why gains in some domains of gender equality in many de￾veloping countries came faster than they did for today’s rich countries when they were at com￾parable incomes. First, the incomes of many developing countries have grown faster. Since 1950, 13 developing countries have grown at an average of 7 percent a year for more than 25 years or longer—a pace unprecedented before the latter half of the 20th century.28 Second, the various domains of gender outcomes are inter￾related. So, improvements in one have spurred advances in others. The decline in fertility that has come with higher incomes has helped lower the number of deaths associated with maternal mortality. And bearing fewer children has given women more time to invest in acquiring hu￾man capital and to participate in the economy. Forward-looking parents have responded to the The interactions between households, mar￾kets and institutions can also explain the pattern and pace of female labor force participation. A woman’s decision to work outside the home re￾sponds both to changes in her own wages and to changes in her household income. As low￾income countries grow richer, women partici￾pate less in market work because their household incomes also rise. Over time, their education lev￾els also increase as formal institutions respond. Rising incomes also lead to later marriage and childbearing and lower fertility. These factors all bring women back into the labor force. In 10 Latin American countries, almost two-thirds of the increase in women’s labor force participa￾tion in the past two decades can be attributed to more education and to changes in family formation (later marriage and lower fertility).27 These different impacts of income growth and rising women’s wages lead to a U-shaped pat￾tern of female labor force participation across countries (fi gure 5). But notably, since 1980, the female participation rate at each level of income FIGURE 4 Using the framework to explain progress in education HOUSEHOLDS More stable incomes FORMAL INSTITUTIONS Lower direct, indirect, and opportunity costs MARKETS Increasing returns to education INFORMAL INSTITUTIONS ENDOWMENTS ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITIES AGENCY policies GENDER EQUALITY GROWTH Source: WDR 2012 team

12 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 from educating girls and from women working FIGURE 5 Female labor force participation has increased over become evident.Consider the notable advances time at all income levels in gender equality in two very different coun- tries:Bangladesh and Colombia. In the four decades since Bangladesh gained independence,the average number of chil- 2008 dren a woman will have during her lifetime 70 fell from almost 7 to just over 2.School en- rollment among girls rose from a third in 60 1991 to 56 percent in 2005.And just in the latter part of the 1990s,labor force participa- 50 tion for young women more than doubled. 1980 In Colombia,the average number of children a woman will bear dropped from 3.2 to 2.4 6 8 10 12 between the mid-1980s and 2005.Women log,GDP per capita(constant 2000 USS) also reversed the education gap and now have higher completion rates than men for primary,secondary,and even tertiary educa- Source:WDR 2012 team calculations based on International Labor Organization 2010(130 countries). tion.And the country has the steepest in- crease in women's labor force participation in the region,giving it one of the highest par- expanded employment opportunities by in- ticipation rates in Latin America.Women creasing their educational investments in their there are well represented in managerial po- daughters.These better educated girls are more sitions and in finance-the glass ceilings no- likely to work when they become older,have toriously hard to break through even in many fewer children,and exercise more voice in their rich countries households-feeding the cycle of change.So, the progress in fertility,the gains in education, The problem of severely disadvantaged the gains in women's agency,and the shifts of populations women to market work are not only related but The combined forces of markets,service deliv- also mutually reinforcing.Public policies have ery institutions,and income growth that have themselves played a role,because the big push contributed toclosinggender gapsineducation, for universal education of the past decade has fertility,and labor force participation for many helped get all children to school. women have not worked for everyone.For poor The main lesson:when market signals,for- women and for women in very poor places, mal institutions,and income growth all come sizable gender gaps remain.And these gaps are together to support investments in women,gen- even worse where poverty combines with other der equality can and does improve very quickly. factors of exclusion-such as ethnicity,caste, And these improvements can occur even when remoteness,race,disability,or sexual orienta- informal institutions,such as social norms tion.Even in education,where gaps have nar- about what is"appropriate"for girls and boys rowed in most countries,girls'enrollment in or women and men,may themselves take time primary and secondary school has improved to adapt.This is not to say that social norms little in many Sub-Saharan countries and have not been important in determining these some parts of South Asia.School enrollments outcomes.The differences across countries and for girls in Mali are comparable to those in among regions within countries both in clos- the United States in 1810,and the situation ing gender gaps in educational attainment and in Ethiopia and Pakistan is not much better levels of women's labor force participation high- (figure 6).And in many countries,gender dis- light their influence.But the fast pace of change parities remain large only for those who are in education and even in labor force participa- poor.In both India and Pakistan,while boys tion almost everywhere shows how these norms and girls from the top income quantile (fifth) adapt quite quickly as the economic returns participate in school at similar rates,there is a

12 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 from educating girls and from women working become evident. Consider the notable advances in gender equality in two very different coun￾tries: Bangladesh and Colombia. • In the four decades since Bangladesh gained independence, the average number of chil￾dren a woman will have during her lifetime fell from almost 7 to just over 2. School en￾rollment among girls rose from a third in 1991 to 56 percent in 2005. And just in the latter part of the 1990s, labor force participa￾tion for young women more than doubled. • In Colombia, the average number of children a woman will bear dropped from 3.2 to 2.4 between the mid-1980s and 2005. Women also reversed the education gap and now have higher completion rates than men for primary, secondary, and even tertiary educa￾tion. And the country has the steepest in￾crease in women’s labor force participation in the region, giving it one of the highest par￾ticipation rates in Latin America. Women there are well represented in managerial po￾sitions and in fi nance—the glass ceilings no￾toriously hard to break through even in many rich countries. The problem of severely disadvantaged populations The combined forces of markets, service deliv￾ery institutions, and income growth that have contributed to closing gender gaps in education, fertility, and labor force participation for many women have not worked for everyone. For poor women and for women in very poor places, sizable gender gaps remain. And these gaps are even worse where poverty combines with other factors of exclusion—such as ethnicity, caste, remoteness, race, disability, or sexual orienta￾tion. Even in education, where gaps have nar￾rowed in most countries, girls’ enrollment in primary and secondary school has improved little in many Sub-Saharan countries and some parts of South Asia. School enrollments for girls in Mali are comparable to those in the United States in 1810, and the situation in Ethiopia and Pakistan is not much better (fi gure 6). And in many countries, gender dis￾parities remain large only for those who are poor. In both India and Pakistan, while boys and girls from the top income quantile (fi fth) participate in school at similar rates, there is a expanded employment opportunities by in￾creasing their educational investments in their daughters. These better educated girls are more likely to work when they become older, have fewer children, and exercise more voice in their households—feeding the cycle of change. So, the progress in fertility, the gains in education, the gains in women’s agency, and the shifts of women to market work are not only related but also mutually reinforcing. Public policies have themselves played a role, because the big push for universal education of the past decade has helped get all children to school. The main lesson: when market signals, for￾mal institutions, and income growth all come together to support investments in women, gen￾der equality can and does improve very quickly. And these improvements can occur even when informal institutions, such as social norms about what is “appropriate” for girls and boys or women and men, may themselves take time to adapt. This is not to say that social norms have not been important in determining these outcomes. The differences across countries and among regions within countries both in clos￾ing gender gaps in educational attainment and levels of women’s labor force participation high￾light their infl uence. But the fast pace of change in education and even in labor force participa￾tion almost everywhere shows how these norms adapt quite quickly as the economic returns FIGURE 5 Female labor force participation has increased over time at all income levels Source: WDR 2012 team calculations based on International Labor Organization 2010 (130 countries). log, GDP per capita (constant 2000 US$) 80 70 60 50 40 female labor force participation rate, % 4 6 8 10 12 2008 1980

Overview 13 gender gap of almost five years in the bottom income quantile (figure 7). FIGURE 6 Low-income countries lag behind in realizing Beyond the poor,gender gaps remain par- progress in female school enrollment ticularly large for groups for whom ethnicity, geographical distance,and other factors (such 100 as disability or sexual orientation)compound gender inequality.Almost two-thirds of out-of- school girls globally belong to ethnic minority 是80 groups in their own countries.29 The illiteracy rate among indigenous women in Guatemala 70- ● stands at 60 percent,20 points above indige- nous men and twice the rate of nonindigenous 60 women.30 50 For these severely disadvantaged groups- which can be pockets of disadvantage or en- 40 tire swaths of countries or regions-none of the forces that favor educating girls and young 30 women are working.So,the growth in aggregate United States 20 income may not be broad-based enough to ben- in1900 efit poor households.Market signals are muted 10 because economic opportunities for women do not expand much or because other barriers 0 十T十1 TTTT such as exclusion caused by ethnicity,race,or 式 caste-get in the way of accessing those oppor- tunities.And service delivery is often riddled year United States with problems because poverty,distance,and trend line (United States,1850-2000) discrimination mean that these groups do not see an expansion of schools and teachers.This Source:WDR 2012 team estimates based on US.Census and the Intemational Income Distribution Database (12D2) does not mean that the channels that have fa- Note:Values between 1760 and 1840 are based on female school enrollment trending between 1850 vored girls'education elsewhere will not work and2000. for these groups.It means that efforts need to be redoubled to ensure that the essential build- ity for house and care work,gaps in asset owner- ing blocks for progress (broad-based income ship,and constraints to women's agency in both growth,expanding employment opportunities the private and public spheres.Progress in these for women,and effective service delivery)are domains is difficult to see,despite greater pros- in place.And these efforts may need to be com- perity in many parts of the world.Indeed,many bined with complementary interventions that of these gender disparities remain salient even address specific disadvantages that compound among the richest countries. gender inequality(chapter 7). Gender disparities persist in these“sticky” domains for three main reasons.First,there may only be a single institutional or policy WHERE HAVE GENDER INEQUALITIES “fx”which can be difficult and easily blocked. PERSISTED AND WHY? We illustrate this problem with excess female mortality.Second,disparities persist when mul- By contrast to areas that have seen good prog- tiple reinforcing constraints combine to block ress,change has come slowly or not at all for progress.We use disparities in the economic many women and girls in many other dimen- sphere(the persistence of gender earnings gaps sions of gender equality.Health disadvantages and gender segregation in employment)and in that show up in the excess relative mortality of agency(differences in societal voice and house- girls and women fall into this category.So do hold decision making)to illustrate this prob- other persistent gender disparities,including lem.Third,gender differences are particularly segregation in economic activity,gender gaps in persistent when rooted in deeply entrenched earnings,male-female differences in responsibil- gender roles and social norms-such as those

Overview 13 ity for house and care work, gaps in asset owner￾ship, and constraints to women’s agency in both the private and public spheres. Progress in these domains is diffi cult to see, despite greater pros￾perity in many parts of the world. Indeed, many of these gender disparities remain salient even among the richest countries. Gender disparities persist in these “sticky” domains for three main reasons. First, there may only be a single institutional or policy “fi x,” which can be diffi cult and easily blocked. We illustrate this problem with excess female mortality. Second, disparities persist when mul￾tiple reinforcing constraints combine to block progress. We use disparities in the economic sphere (the persistence of gender earnings gaps and gender segregation in employment) and in agency (differences in societal voice and house￾hold decision making) to illustrate this prob￾lem. Third, gender differences are particularly persistent when rooted in deeply entrenched gender roles and social norms—such as those gender gap of almost fi ve years in the bottom income quantile (fi gure 7). Beyond the poor, gender gaps remain par￾ticularly large for groups for whom ethnicity, geographical distance, and other factors (such as disability or sexual orientation) compound gender inequality. Almost two-thirds of out-of￾school girls globally belong to ethnic minority groups in their own countries.29 The illiteracy rate among indigenous women in Guatemala stands at 60 percent, 20 points above indige￾nous men and twice the rate of nonindigenous women.30 For these severely disadvantaged groups— which can be pockets of disadvantage or en￾tire swaths of countries or regions—none of the forces that favor educating girls and young women are working. So, the growth in aggregate income may not be broad-based enough to ben￾efi t poor households. Market signals are muted because economic opportunities for women do not expand much or because other barriers— such as exclusion caused by ethnicity, race, or caste—get in the way of accessing those oppor￾tunities. And service delivery is often riddled with problems because poverty, distance, and discrimination mean that these groups do not see an expansion of schools and teachers. This does not mean that the channels that have fa￾vored girls’ education elsewhere will not work for these groups. It means that efforts need to be redoubled to ensure that the essential build￾ing blocks for progress (broad-based income growth, expanding employment opportunities for women, and effective service delivery) are in place. And these efforts may need to be com￾bined with complementary interventions that address specifi c disadvantages that compound gender inequality (chapter 7). WHERE HAVE GENDER INEQUALITIES PERSISTED AND WHY? By contrast to areas that have seen good prog￾ress, change has come slowly or not at all for many women and girls in many other dimen￾sions of gender equality. Health disadvantages that show up in the excess relative mortality of girls and women fall into this category. So do other persistent gender disparities, including segregation in economic activity, gender gaps in earnings, male-female differences in responsibil￾FIGURE 6 Low-income countries lag behind in realizing progress in female school enrollment Source: WDR 2012 team estimates based on U.S. Census and the International Income Distribution Database (I2D2). Note: Values between 1760 and 1840 are based on female school enrollment trending between 1850 and 2000. 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 1770 1780 1790 1800 1820 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2005 year female school enrollment, ages 5–19, (%) Burkina Faso Mali Pakistan Ethiopia Nigeria Mozambique Niger Tajikistan Bangladesh Egypt, Arab Rep. Côte d’Ivoire United States in 1900 United States trend line (United States, 1850–2000)

14 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 FIGURE 7 Female disadvantage within countries is more marked at low incomes Benin Congo,Dem.Rep. The Gambia 10 0 10 61-SL sabe 61-SL sabe 61-Sl sabe 3 income quintile income quintile income quintile India Pakistan Togo 10 o 61-Sl sabe 5 5--550be 61-SI sabe 3 2 3 4 income quintile income quintile income quintile girls boys Source:WDR 2012 team estimates based on EdAttain. about who is responsible for care and house- below the age of 60.About two-fifths of them work in the home,and what is"acceptable"for are never born,one-fifth goes missing in infancy women and men to study,do,and aspire to. and childhood,and the remaining two-fifths do And these gaps tend to be reproduced across so between the ages of 15 and 59 (table 1). generations.Consider each in turn. Growth does not make the problem disap- pear.Between 1990 and 2008,the number of Higher mortality of girls and women missing girls at birth and excess female mortal- The rate at which girls and women die relative to ity after birth did not change much;declines in men is higher in low-and middle-income coun- infancy and childhood were offset by dramatic tries than in high-income countries.To quantify increases in Sub-Saharan Africa in the repro- this excess female mortality("missing"girls and ductive ages.Part of the increase is because women)and identify the ages at which it occurs, populations increased.But,unlike Asia,where this Report estimated the number of excess fe- the population-adjusted missing women fell male deaths at every age and for every country in every country (dramatically in Bangladesh, in 1990,2000,and 2008.31 Excess female deaths Indonesia,and Vietnam),most Sub-Saharan in a given year represent women who would not countries saw little change in the new millen- have died in the previous year if they had lived nium.And in the countries hardest hit by the in a high-income country,after accounting for HIV/AIDS epidemic,things got much worse. the overall health environment of the country The Report's analysis helps explain these they live in.Globally,excess female mortality patterns.Depending on the period in the life after birth and"missing"girls at birth account cycle,girls and women are missing for dif- every year for an estimated 3.9 million women ferent reasons.Missing girls at birth reflect

14 WORLD DEVELOPMENT REPORT 2012 below the age of 60. About two-fi fths of them are never born, one-fi fth goes missing in infancy and childhood, and the remaining two-fi fths do so between the ages of 15 and 59 (table 1). Growth does not make the problem disap￾pear. Between 1990 and 2008, the number of missing girls at birth and excess female mortal￾ity after birth did not change much; declines in infancy and childhood were offset by dramatic increases in Sub-Saharan Africa in the repro￾ductive ages. Part of the increase is because populations increased. But, unlike Asia, where the population-adjusted missing women fell in every country (dramatically in Bangladesh, Indonesia, and Vietnam), most Sub-Saharan countries saw little change in the new millen￾nium. And in the countries hardest hit by the HIV/AIDS epidemic, things got much worse. The Report’s analysis helps explain these patterns. Depending on the period in the life cycle, girls and women are missing for dif￾ferent reasons. Missing girls at birth refl ect about who is responsible for care and house￾work in the home, and what is “acceptable” for women and men to study, do, and aspire to. And these gaps tend to be reproduced across generations. Consider each in turn. Higher mortality of girls and women The rate at which girls and women die relative to men is higher in low- and middle-income coun￾tries than in high-income countries. To quantify this excess female mortality (“missing” girls and women) and identify the ages at which it occurs, this Report estimated the number of excess fe￾male deaths at every age and for every country in 1990, 2000, and 2008.31 Excess female deaths in a given year represent women who would not have died in the previous year if they had lived in a high-income country, after accounting for the overall health environment of the country they live in. Globally, excess female mortality after birth and “missing” girls at birth account every year for an estimated 3.9 million women FIGURE 7 Female disadvantage within countries is more marked at low incomes Source: WDR 2012 team estimates based on EdAttain. 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 Benin India Congo, Dem. Rep. Pakistan The Gambia Togo 5 0 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 5 0 income quintile income quintile income quintile income quintile income quintile income quintile 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 5 0 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 5 0 median grade attained, ages 15–19 10 5 0 girls boys