《社会心理学》课程教学资源（文献资料）social self——Depression and Social Identity - An Integrative Review

220 Personality and Social Psychology Review 18(3) indicator is therefore their r ion of shared social iden nds on whethe tification in impo rtant and valued domains (Eggins with (Doosie.Haslam.Spears,Oakes O'Brien,Reynolds,Haslam,&Crocker,2008).The fact &Koomen,1998:Hopkins&Murdoch,1999);what it means that it is the subjective experience of belonging to a socia to be compas depends o on compares on mann（0 norato 2004:Rev 2000 In this way,the SIA conceptualizes the self not as a set of Hypothesis 4 (4):Subiective indicators of social rela stable traits but as a potentially fluid process.That said,in nshins will he better predictors ofdepre essive symptoms y con d as stable b than objective indicators. stable CTumer et al.1994).Indeed.it is worth noting tha The foregoing claim that objective reality influence psychologists and psychological methods often go to great huma ony indirectly through th engths to ensure this stability (e.g.. the yar which hun tion transforms reality has long been a dominant focus of ing to personal and social identity formation over the short (particularly in the cognitive tradi term and long term (see Blanz,1999:Oakes,Haslam, psychological rese ing that thi 06 Haslam, wever,It Is won :de en to than for most other models previouslyused tocon the role of social relationships in depression. perceivers to use them)andf(Oakes,Bruner I hes tignmCmticadonasectionhtsocialidcnif6 1957).This means that people will be inclined to define an the in term th that othe of soc ness(e.g.instrumental or emotional support)cannot be ben cample.Jane ma eficia I for health.Nevertheless,it does suggest that socia be more likely to define herself as the supporter of a partic oup n Thi ar football team if she regularly attends the games of tha ng on as a gr ber)wi for ple that whether or not is beneficia ese two contexts for health will depend,among other things,on the degree to workingasa psychologist. who she is asa persor which the source of that support and who she sees herself to be group mer ific group mem feel that the groun matters to them and that they matter to ol w ed and tious (Tumer,Reynolds,Haslam,&Veenstra,2006). ion is tha below Hypothesis 5 (H5):Social identification will det er Hl and H2)should he conditioned by both the ace the impact of the various social factors (e.g.,social sup- port)that are implicated in depression man (say de i Key Pre mise 3:Social ldentific ion Is a Dyr th hi a cess Tha sponds to Me mic ningful Variation in seen as relevant to the issue at hand (e.g dealing with the the Social World stress of parenthood rathe than with s of work;Sani This point Is pa Within the SIA.individuals are understood to define both nd oth as it allows us to son.That is,"self"is defined,in part,through contrast to what when such interventions will affect the self-concept and is"ot self."At a group level,this mea ns that who are is of an individua nd thus,be ng or More specifi lly,it leads to th wing hypothesi defined by who"youare (and what I am not).How Hypothesis 6 (H6):Social interventions for depression the comparative context within which the self is understood will be more effective to the extent that they increase changes,so too will the meaning of self.What it means to be social identification

220 Personality and Social Psychology Review 18(3) indicator is therefore their perception of shared social iden￾tification in important and valued domains (Eggins, O’Brien, Reynolds, Haslam, & Crocker, 2008). The fact that it is the subjective experience of belonging to a social category that underpins meaningful group behavior (Turner & Oakes, 1997) leads to our fourth hypothesis: Hypothesis 4 (H4): Subjective indicators of social rela￾tionships will be better predictors of depressive symptoms than objective indicators. The foregoing claim that objective reality influences human experience and behavior only indirectly through the lens of perception should not be a controversial proposition. On the contrary, the variety of ways in which human percep￾tion transforms reality has long been a dominant focus of psychological research (particularly in the cognitive tradi￾tion; Kruglanski, 1989). However, it is worth noting that this theme provides a stronger focus for social identity research than for most other models previously used to conceptualize the role of social relationships in depression. These arguments lead to an assertion that social identifi￾cation is the “active ingredient” of social connectedness. This does not mean that other aspects of social connected￾ness (e.g., instrumental or emotional support) cannot be ben￾eficial for health. Nevertheless, it does suggest that social identification (i.e., seeing oneself as a group member) will largely determine the impact of these processes. This means, for example, that whether or not social support is beneficial for health will depend, among other things, on the degree to which the source of that support is perceived to be an in￾group member. In other words, the benefits of social rela￾tionships for health should be most apparent when individuals feel that the group matters to them, and that they matter to the group. Both these points have empirical support in pre￾dicting depression, as will be outlined further below. Hypothesis 5 (H5): Social identification will determine the impact of the various social factors (e.g., social sup￾port) that are implicated in depression. Key Premise 3: Social Identification Is a Dynamic Process That Responds to Meaningful Variation in the Social World Within the SIA, individuals are understood to define both themselves and others through a process of social compari￾son. That is, “self” is defined, in part, through contrast to what is “not self.” At a group level, this means that who “we” are is defined partly by our understanding of “them” (and what we are not); whereas at a personal level, who “I” am is partly defined by who “you” are (and what I am not). However, as the comparative context within which the self is understood changes, so too will the meaning of self. What it means to be a psychologist depends on whether one compares oneself with physicists or historians (Doosje, Haslam, Spears, Oakes, & Koomen, 1998; Hopkins & Murdoch, 1999); what it means to be compassionate depends on whether one compares one￾self with Mother Theresa or Adolf Eichmann (Onorato & Turner, 2004; Reynolds & Oakes, 2000). In this way, the SIA conceptualizes the self not as a set of stable traits but as a potentially fluid process. That said, in many contexts, the self will be experienced as stable because the contexts in which it is located (or studied) are relatively stable (Turner et al., 1994). Indeed, it is worth noting that psychologists and psychological methods often go to great lengths to ensure this stability (e.g., through the standardiza￾tion of testing regimes; Reynolds et al., 2010). There are a range of factors that the SIA sees as contribut￾ing to personal and social identity formation over the short term and long term (see Blanz, 1999; Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, 1994; Postmes & Jetten, 2006; Postmes, Haslam, & Swaab, 2005). Broadly, though, the salience of particular identities is seen to reflect their accessibility (the readiness of perceivers to use them) and fit (Oakes, 1987; after Bruner, 1957). This means that people will be inclined to define and understand themselves in terms of categories that have proved to be useful in the past, and that allow them to make sense of their current circumstances. For example, Jane may be more likely to define herself as the supporter of a particu￾lar football team if she regularly attends the games of that team (high accessibility) and if she is in a conversation about football with a supporter of a rival team (high fit) rather than working as a psychologist. Moreover, in these two contexts, who she is as a person—and who she sees herself to be—is likely to reflect the norms of the specific group membership that informs her identity: So that at the game, she is loud and emotional, whereas at work, she is reserved and conscien￾tious (Turner, Reynolds, Haslam, & Veenstra, 2006). One key implication of this analysis for depression is that the ability of an individual to benefit from the social connect￾edness that flows from internalized group membership (as per H1 and H2) should be conditioned by both the accessibil￾ity of a suitable group membership and its contextual fit. So, for example, it should be easier for a man (say) to benefit from the social support that his family can provide if he has a history of strong ties with his family and if his family is seen as relevant to the issue at hand (e.g., dealing with the stress of parenthood rather than with stress of work; Sani, Magrin, Scrignaro, & McCollum, 2010). This point is par￾ticularly important for interventions that seek to improve social connectedness in depression, as it allows us to specify when such interventions will affect the self-concept and social identities of an individual and thus, be beneficial. More specifically, it leads to the following hypothesis: Hypothesis 6 (H6): Social interventions for depression will be more effective to the extent that they increase social identification. Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at Remen University of China on September 6, 2015

Cruwys et a 221 In light of this hypothesis,there is a final point to be made confrontation(S.A.Haslam&Reicher,2006).and discrimi about the utility of the SIA for depression.Unlike most clini- nation (Branscombe,Schmitt,&Harvey,1999).In large. cal models, the approach conceptualize self-concept and able and contex The physical and mental health benefits of social identifi because social identification is a more fluid-and hence. cation are therefore well-established and not specific to potentially treatment-responsive orted cognitionso ack or so these dieamenlo least as important in this domain.In this section.we review Segrin,2000).social identity is generally highly responsive evidence that speaks to this possibility and to each of the six to changes in a person's social or environmental context hypotheses proposed in the previous section.From this fore,social identity interventions that target an indi review.two the nes are apparer +l- First,that current evidenc that much cho full ment (HelliwellBarrington-Leigh.2012).All this sug and the material int Evidence for HI:Social identification with meaningful groups will predict lower levels of depression. depres on. Only a handful of previous studies have included measures mpirical Evidence:Social Identity and or manipulations of social identification along with a depen The sia.on one hand.and the clinical literature on de tities (e. )hat have a validated clinical m onon the ther.rta owith e idicaoofepr (e.g.negative mood)that have validated social identification works.They are es ons"for me and depression has barely commenced construction. here is,however,evidence tha l-being mas s is pro es h eediesaicnion,nabudhnceofempcaleidence high social identification with a valued group predicts fewer depression symptoms.This negative correlation persists For e across divers rang Reynolds,Turner,Bromhead,&Subasic,2009),and when measuring identification with diverse groups including fam ily (Sani et al.,2 0),tertiary inst n that build social identity have been shown to improve well decline (Gleibs, change in depression symptoms over time more strongly H vice versa,although the effect remains significant in et al.,2012: Knight Social identification has also been found to buffer individu mately half used non-diagnostic measures of depr als from the negative impact of a range of stressors,includ they nevertheless tell a consistent story that speaks to the 30

Cruwys et al. 221 In light of this hypothesis, there is a final point to be made about the utility of the SIA for depression. Unlike most clini￾cal models, the approach conceptualizes self-concept and social identity as fundamentally malleable and context￾dependent. From the perspective of developing effective interventions, this malleability has considerable potential, because social identification is a more fluid—and hence, potentially treatment-responsive—construct than, say, dis￾torted cognitions or lack of social skills. Although these lat￾ter constructs might be altered through extended therapeutic work over months or even years (Kovacs & Beck, 1978; Segrin, 2000), social identity is generally highly responsive to changes in a person’s social or environmental context. Therefore, social identity interventions that target an indi￾vidual’s community or environment are likely to have ongo￾ing therapeutic benefits over and above those that can be achieved in brief one-on-one medical or psychological treat￾ment (Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2012). All this sug￾gests that social identification—and the material and psychological factors that feed into it—may be particularly suitable as a target for therapeutic intervention to counteract depression. Empirical Evidence: Social Identity and Depression The SIA, on one hand, and the clinical literature on depres￾sion, on the other, each represent substantial research disci￾plines comprising hundreds of researchers and thousands of published works. They are established fields—“pylons” for the bridge that we propose to build between the two. However, the bridge itself between social identity and depression has barely commenced construction. There is, however, evidence that social identification is a powerful predictor of mental health and well-being more generally. Therefore, although clinical depression has received less attention, an abundance of empirical evidence indicates that social identity is implicated in a range of related health phenomena. For example, along the lines of H2, there is evidence that the number of social identities that people have prior to a stroke is a good predictor of their recovery and well-being 6 months following the event (C. Haslam et al., 2008). Acquiring new group memberships is similarly protective following trauma (Jones et al., 2011; Jones et al., 2012). Among older adults, group interventions that build social identity have been shown to improve well￾being, reduce falls, and slow cognitive decline (Gleibs, Haslam, Haslam, & Jones, 2011; Gleibs, Haslam, Jones, et al., 2011; C. Haslam, Haslam et al., 2010; C. Haslam, Haslam, et al., 2012; Knight, Haslam, & Haslam, 2010). Social identification has also been found to buffer individu￾als from the negative impact of a range of stressors, includ￾ing illness (S. A. Haslam, Jetten, & Waghorn, 2009), memory loss (Jetten, Haslam, Pugliese, Tonks, & Haslam, 2010), confrontation (S. A. Haslam & Reicher, 2006), and discrimi￾nation (Branscombe, Schmitt, & Harvey, 1999). In large, representative community samples social identification has also been found to predict life satisfaction and general well￾being (Helliwell & Barrington-Leigh, 2012). The physical and mental health benefits of social identifi￾cation are therefore well-established and not specific to depression. However, given the centrality of social relation￾ships to the etiology, symptomatology, and treatment of depression, it seems plausible that social identification is at least as important in this domain. In this section, we review evidence that speaks to this possibility and to each of the six hypotheses proposed in the previous section. From this review, two themes are apparent: First, that current evidence is predominantly supportive of these hypotheses; and sec￾ond, that much remains to be done to test these hypotheses fully. Evidence for H1: Social identification with meaningful groups will predict lower levels of depression. Only a handful of previous studies have included measures or manipulations of social identification along with a depen￾dent measure of depression. For the most part, the literature consists either of studies with crude indicators of social iden￾tities (e.g., ethnicity) that have a validated clinical measure of depression, or studies with crude indicators of depression (e.g., negative mood) that have validated social identification measures. Nevertheless, we identified 16 relevant studies that have directly examined the relationship between degree of social identification with valued groups and depression symptoms, with a total of more than 2,700 participants. More detail of each of the studies is provided in Table 2. All studies report a negative relationship between these variables, such that high social identification with a valued group predicts fewer depression symptoms. This negative correlation persists across diverse populations ranging from Norwegian heart surgery patients (S. A. Haslam, O’Brien, Jetten, Vormedal, & Penna, 2005) to Australian school students (Bizumic, Reynolds, Turner, Bromhead, & Subasic, 2009), and when measuring identification with diverse groups including fam￾ily (Sani et al., 2010), tertiary institution (Cameron, 1999) and ethnic group (Branscombe et al., 1999). Some of this work also demonstrates that social identification predicts change in depression symptoms over time more strongly than vice versa, although the effect remains significant in both directions (Iyer et al., 2009; Cruwys et al., in press). Although these studies were correlational and approxi￾mately half used non-diagnostic measures of depression, they nevertheless tell a consistent story that speaks to the protective role of group memberships in preventing depres￾sive symptoms. This story is also consistent with evidence Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at Remen University of China on September 6, 2015

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222 Table 2. The Relationship Between Social Identification and Depression Symptoms, as Reported in 14 Published Studies. No. Authors Year Journal N Population Social group ID measure Depression measure r 1 Cruwys, Haslam, Dingle, Jetten, Hornsey, Chong & Oei in press JAffectDisord 52 Disadvantaged community Recreational group 4 items Doosje, Ellemers, and Spears (1995) DASS-21 (21 items) −0.18* 2 92 Psychotherapy patients with depression or anxiety Therapy group 11 items Leach et al., (2008) ZSRDS (20 items) −0.33* 3 Wakefield, Bickley, and Sani 2013 JPsychSom 152 People with MS MS support group 4 items Doosje, et al. (1995) HADS (7 item) −0.31* 4 Sani, Herrera, Wakefield, Boroch, and Gulyas 2012 BJSP Study 1 194 Polish people Family 4 items Doosje et al. (1995) CES-D (20 items) −0.46* 5 Study 2 150 Eastern European Army Unit Army 14 item Leach et al. (2008) BDI-II (21 items) −0.18* 6 Sani, Magrin, Scrignaro, and McCollum 2010 BJSP 113 Adult Scottish community Family 5 items from various scales BDI-II (21 items) −0.32* 7 Bizumic, Reynolds, Turner, Bromhead, and Subasic 2009 APIR Study 1 113 Australian school staff School 4 items Haslam (2001) Mental Health Inventory (adapted) 5 items −0.29* 8 Study 2 693 Australian school students (12-17 years) School 4 items Haslam (2001) DASS-21 (7 items) −0.19* 9 Iyer, Jetten, Tsivrikos, Postmes, and Haslam 2009 BJSP Study 1 105 British students starting university University students 3 items Doosje et al. (1995) 9-item scale Branscombe, Schmitt, and Harvey (1999) −0.30* 10 Study 2 264 British students starting university University students 3 items Doosje et al. (1995) 6-item scale Branscombe et al. (1999) −0.40* 11 S. A. Haslam, O’Brien, Jetten, Vormedal, and Penna 2005 BJSP Study 1 34 Norwegian heart surgery patients Family and friends 2 items Doosje et al. (1995) 6-item negative emotion scale −0.12 12 Study 2 40 British workers (20 bomb disposal officers, 20 bar staff) Work colleagues 2 items Doosje et al. (1995) 4-item negative emotion scale −0.34* 13 Cameron 1999 GD: TRP 167 American university students Mt Allison University 3 factors (Cameron, 1999) BDI-II (21 items) −0.37* −0.11* −0.23* 14 Branscombe et al. 1999 JPSP 139 African Americans Ethnic group 14 item Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure 6-item negative emotion scale −0.17* 15 Branscombe and Wann 1991 JSSI Study 1 187 American undergraduates Sports team Wann and Branscombe (1990) 1 frequency question −0.16* 16 Study 3 332 American undergraduates Sports team Wann and Branscombe (1990) 1 frequency question −0.10* Note. JAffectDisord = Journal of Affective Disorders; JPsychSom = Journal of Psychosomatic Research; MS = multiple sclerosis; APIR = Applied Psychology: An International Review; BJSP = British Journal of Social Psychology; JPSP = Journal of Personality and Social Psychology; GD: TRP = Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice; JSSI = Journal of Sport & Social Issues; HADS = Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale; CES-D = Centre for Epidemiologic Studies – Depression; BDI-II = Beck Depression Inventory 2nd Edition; DASS-21 = Depression, Anxiety Stress Scales (short form); ZSRDS = Zung Self Rated Depression Scale. *p < .05. Downloaded from psr.sagepub.com at Remen University of China on September 6, 2015