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Low and Decreasing Self-Esteem During Adolescence Predict Adult Depression Two Decades Later Andrea E. Steiger and Mathias Allemand University of Zurich Richard W. Robins University of California, Davis Helmut A. Fend University of Zurich Previous studies revealed that low self-esteem is prospectively associated with depression. However, self-esteem has been shown to change over time. We thus hypothesized that not only level but also change in self-esteem affect depression. Using data from a 23-year longitudinal study (N 1,527), we therefore examined the prospective effects of global and domain-specific self-esteem (physical attractiveness, academic competence) level and change on depressive symptoms 2 decades later. Self-esteem was assessed annually from age 12 to 16, and depression was assessed at age 16 and 35. Results from latent growth curve analyses demonstrated that both level and change in self-esteem served as predictors for adult depression. Individuals who entered adolescence with low self-esteem, and/or whose selfesteem declined further during the adolescent years, were more likely to exhibit symptoms of depression 2 decades later as adults; this pattern held both for global and domain-specific self-esteem. These findings highlight the importance of adolescent self-esteem development for mental health outcomes in adulthood. Keywords: adolescent development, personality development, self-esteem, depression Self-esteem is relevant for a number of important personal and social life outcomes. For example, high self-esteem predicts closeness in romantic relationships, better job performance, and academic achievement (Judge & Bono, 2001; Marsh & Craven, 2006; Murray, 2005). In contrast, low self-esteem predicts a number of maladaptive outcomes such as delinquency, poor physical and psychological health, and limited economic prospects (Donnellan, Trzesniewski, Robins, Moffitt, & Caspi, 2005; Orth, Robins, & Widaman, 2012; Trzesniewski et al., 2006; Zimmerman, Copeland, Shope, & Dielman, 1997). However, little is known about the predictive effects of developmental change in self-esteem on long-term consequential outcomes. Addressing change above and beyond self-esteem baseline level as a predictor of life outcomes is crucial because research has demonstrated that the self and personality change over time (e.g., Mroczek & Little, 2006; Roberts, Walton, & Viechtbauer, 2006; Trzesniewski, Donnellan, & Robins, 2003) and that these changes exert predictive power for such important life outcomes as mortality (Mroczek & Spiro, 2007), substance abuse (Hampson, Tildesley, Andrews, Luckyx, & Mroczek, 2010), or self-rated health (Turiano et al., 2012). We therefore tested whether change in self-esteem is related to depression and whether the effects of self-esteem change are independent of self-esteem baseline level. Global and Domain-Specific Self-Esteem Self-esteem is best characterized as an individual’s global evaluation of his or her overall worth as a person. Domainspecific self-esteem refers to an individual’s evaluation of himor herself in a specific domain (Epstein, 1973; Harter, 1999; Shavelson, Hubner, & Stanton, 1976). For this study, we were particularly interested in global self-esteem and in adolescents’ self-evaluations in the domains of physical appearance and academic competence. These two domains are highly significant for the adolescent years because they reflect two central challenges confronting the developing adolescent—initiating romantic relationships and succeeding in school. For example, it is during adolescence that individuals begin to form career preferences and invest in their academic achievement and skills (Steinberg, 2008). Especially in Germany, many students complete their secondary education at the age of 16 and apply for apprenticeships. Furthermore, pubertal changes occurring during adolescence force boys and girls to adapt to and accept their changing physical appearance. These changes are often psychologically consequential because one’s worth in these domains has to be newly evaluated, negotiated, and built up (Erikson, 1968). Andrea E. Steiger and Mathias Allemand, Department of Psychology, University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland; Richard W. Robins, Department of Psychology, University of California, Davis; Helmut A. Fend, Department of Education, University of Zurich, Zurich, Switzerland. This publication is based on data from a research project funded by the German Research Society DFG and Swiss National Science Foundation Grant NFP 1114-56992.99. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Andrea E. Steiger, University of Zurich, Department of Psychology, Binzmühlestrasse 14/24, CH-8050 Zurich, Switzerland. E-mail: andrea.steiger@ uzh.ch This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology © 2014 American Psychological Association 2014, Vol. 106, No. 2, 325–338 0022-3514/14/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/a0035133 325

Adolescence as a Time of Change and Challenges Given the reorganization that takes place during adolescence, adolescents are prompted to show increased introspection in order to find out who they really are (and want to be), how they are perceived by their environment, and what they want to do and achieve in their lives (Steinberg, 2005). It can lead to later maladjustment if this process of scrutinization is not successful and an unstable identity is being built up (Erikson, 1968; Harter, 2006). Thus, ignoring developmental trajectories in self-esteem during adolescence may neglect important aspects of an inherently dynamic construct (Greene & Way, 2005; Steinberg, 2005). Indeed, self-esteem has been shown to be especially malleable in adolescence (Demo, 1992; Steinberg, 2008; Trzesniewski et al., 2003). Furthermore, the relatively lower consistency of self-esteem during adolescence implies that it is more amenable to intervention during this developmental period (Robins, Trzesniewski, & Donnellan, 2012). Taken together, it is important to consider adolescent change for several reasons: First, self-esteem and other personality traits are not entirely stable constructs but systematically change across the life span, and especially during adolescence (e.g., Steinberg, 2008). Second, recent findings on the importance of studying change as a predictor revealed that change in certain personality domains influences important life outcomes. Third, malleability of self-esteem and personality traits allows for intervention programs within these constructs. If self-esteem is malleable during adolescence, practical interventions aimed at improving low self-esteem should be considerably more effective than if we assume stability of this construct over time. Such findings would further highlight the importance of intervening early in the life span, so that individuals do not endure decades of greater risk for important life outcomes such as mental health problems. In this study, we therefore investigated the prospective effects of level and change in self-esteem across adolescence on depressive symptoms assessed two decades later, when study participants were 35 years old. Self-Esteem Level and Depression Several theoretical models suggest predictions about the longitudinal association between personality characteristics such as self-esteem and depression (Klein, Kotov, & Bufferd, 2011; Orth & Robins, 2012). First, one prominent theoretical model assumes that level of self-esteem is predictive for depression. The basic idea of the vulnerability model is that low self-esteem causally influences the onset and maintenance of depression (Beck, 1967; Metalsky, Joiner, Hardin, & Abramson, 1993). This model assumes that individuals displaying dysfunctional attitudes or negative inferential styles about themselves are at greater risk for developing depressive symptoms. For example, when individuals with low self-esteem and thus dysfunctional attitudes toward themselves are confronted with negative feedback at work, they may think that their self-esteem depends on others’ approval and thus feel worthless even after supportive criticism (Abramson, Metalsky, & Alloy, 1989; Beck, 1987). Another mechanism could be that adolescents with low selfesteem are less likely to search for positive feedback from others (Cassidy, Ziv, Mehta, & Feeney, 2003). Furthermore, they may also use negative inferential styles after a failure. Negative inferential styles imply associating lack of success in a specific task with stable and global causes such as being generally incompetent instead of assuming that one was not successful at a specific task in a specific situation (Abramson et al., 1989). Hence, according to Beck’s (1967) cognitive theory of depression, negative beliefs about oneself are a key cause in the etiology of depression. Several studies support the vulnerability model (e.g., Franck, De Raedt, & DeHouwer, 2007; Orth, Robins, & Roberts, 2008; Orth, Robins, Trzesniewski, Maes, & Schmitt, 2009). For example, Orth et al. (2009) demonstrated that low self-esteem acts as a risk factor for depression, but not vice versa. Finally, Bolognini, Plancherel, Bettschart, and Halfon (1996) showed that domain-specific selfevaluations, specifically perceived physical appearance and social skills, at age 12 and 14 were related to subsequent depressive mood, albeit with weaker effects than global self-esteem.1 Self-Esteem Change and Depression One unique feature of the present study is that we were able to test whether change in self-esteem predicts depression. To date, almost no research has been conducted on self-esteem change as a predictor of depression. However, considering psychological changes in the study of development is a key component in life span development theory (e.g., Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). Because there exist interindividual differences in intraindividual change, individuals may increase, decrease, fluctuate, or remain stable in their intraindividual development (Alwin, 1994; Baltes, Reese, & Nesselroade, 1977; Mroczek & Spiro, 2003). Thus, individuals can differ with respect to the degree and direction of change (Mroczek & Spiro, 2005). We therefore assume that individual differences in change reveal substantial information that are relevant for later life outcomes because they reflect more or less successful adaptation to age-specific developmental tasks. Indeed, adolescence has been characterized as a transitional period and a time of heightened self-exploration that lays the foundation for later outcomes (Erikson, 1968). Furthermore, it is often described as a vulnerable age period and thus a time of “increased risk for the onset of a wide range of emotional and behavioral problems, including depression” (Steinberg, 2005, p. 69). Hence, due to the magnitude of change and the high number of challenges adolescents face, the adolescent years must be regarded not only as a transitional but also as a sensitive period that may lead to long-term consequences well beyond the adolescent years. In line with theory on adolescent identity formation as a prerequisite for later life adjustments, adolescents who are not able to process age-specific challenges adequately might be more prone to later health issues such as depressive symptoms in adulthood compared with individuals who develop a positive attitude toward themselves. Thus, although a positive prerequisite, we assume that it is not necessary to initially possess high self-esteem baseline level at the 1 Although the vulnerability model assumes that low self-esteem is a cause of depression, it is also possible that it is a consequence of depressive symptoms (see Rohde, Lewinsohn, & Seeley, 1990). This alternative model, typically referred to as the “scar” model, could not be tested in the present study because self-esteem was not assessed in adulthood. However, the scar model has been extensively tested in other studies, and the prospective effect of depression on self-esteem is typically small or nonexistent (Sowislo & Orth, 2013). This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 326 STEIGER, ALLEMAND, ROBINS, AND FEND

beginning of adolescence. Rather, we argue that an individual’s process through adolescence might be equally important for later life outcomes. In this line of reasoning, even adolescents with generally high self-esteem may be at risk for depression later in life if they decline to moderate levels in self-esteem, or conversely, even individuals with quite low self-esteem can reduce their risk for negative life outcomes if they increase to moderate levels in self-esteem. We emphasize change because it might be crucial to face difficulties, perceive them as a challenge, and then overcome these difficulties. Success experiences with developmental tasks might give adolescents a genuine trust in themselves as worthy and able persons and, in turn, enable them to approach later challenges in a more positive, constructive, and self-affirmative way. The question remains as to the mechanisms by which decreasing self-esteem predicts depression (or increasing self-esteem prevents depression). One potential pathway may be that decreasing selfesteem leads to the deteriorating of positive beliefs about oneself, which, in turn, predict depression. For example, a girl may enter adolescence with high self-esteem, but due to pubertal changes in her body weight, she might experience insecurities with regard to her changing body image. Thus, she has to adapt to her feminine body image and accept these natural changes as part of becoming an adult. She might learn to define herself as a person of good qualities, although her body image may not look as typically idealized in the media. Another girl with initial high level of self-esteem might not be able to cope with her natural gain in body weight during adolescence in an adaptive way, and thus experience increases in self-conscious thoughts, which, in turn, may deteriorate her initially high self-esteem in childhood. Although previous research has documented that self-esteem is malleable during adolescence, very few studies investigated developmental change as a predictor of life outcomes. Zimmerman et al. (1997) demonstrated that individuals who decreased in selfesteem during their adolescent years were more prone to peer pressure, alcohol misuse, and tolerance for deviance during the 4 years of the study. Consistent with the vulnerability model, Kim and Cicchetti (2006) found that initial levels of self-esteem predicted changes in depression, whereas initial levels of depression did not predict changes in self-esteem. Finally, Bolognini et al. (1996) demonstrated that decreasing self-esteem— global and domain specific—from age 12 to 14 was related to higher levels of depression at age 14. However, to date, no research has been conducted on the long-term consequences of adolescent selfesteem on adult depression over a time span of two decades. In summary, we assume that not only initial level of self-esteem at the beginning of adolescence is relevant for later life outcomes but also how adolescents change during the age period between 12 and 16. Thus, adolescent trajectories of self-esteem development should provide prospective information for adult depression even when controlling for level of self-esteem in adolescence. Normative Self-Esteem Development in Adolescence In addition to examining the relation between self-esteem and depression, the present study also provides further insights into the normative development of self-esteem during adolescence. A large body of research suggests that self-esteem generally decreases across the adolescent years (Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005; Robins, Trzesniewski, Tracy, Gosling, & Potter, 2002; Zimmerman et al., 1997). This adolescent drop in self-esteem has been discussed as a consequence of maturational changes (puberty), cognitive changes (formal operational thinking), and contextual changes (school transitions) (Trzesniewski, Robins, Roberts, & Caspi, 2003). Adolescents typically begin to see themselves in a more critical and differentiated way, displacing the overly positive and holistic self-views (“I’m a good kid”) they maintained in childhood (Harter, 1999). This more differentiated view of the self can lead to a drop in self-esteem because individuals have to integrate undesirable aspects of themselves into their self-concept. This process of integrating positive and negative characteristics should be resolved by the end of adolescence, leading to an increase in self-esteem at the beginning of adulthood (Robins & Trzesniewski, 2005). Although the bulk of the evidence points to a drop in self-esteem during adolescence, there are some inconsistencies in the literature, and several studies have revealed evidence for an increase (e.g., Demo, 1992; McLeod & Owens, 2004). Moreover, we know little about the developmental trajectory of domain-specific selfesteem during adolescence, and it is possible that the trajectory for these constructs diverges from that found for global self-esteem. Most important for the present study, the inconsistency in the findings suggests the presence of strong interindividual differences in self-esteem change, with some individuals showing increases, others showing decreases, and some showing no change at all. Thus, we expect to find interindividual differences in both the initial level and the developmental trajectory of self-esteem from age 12 to 16. The process of integrating positive and negative aspects of the self might differ largely between individuals. This difference could be a consequence of the number of challenges an adolescent has to cope with (i.e., a large or small increase in body weight, high or low academic prerequisites at school) and on the magnitude and the subjective experience of these challenges. Previous research revealed gender effects with respect to selfesteem development. A meta-analytic review by Kling, Hyde, Showers, and Buswell (1999) revealed that males report higher self-esteem, on average, than females, with the largest gender gap observed during adolescence. The gender difference may be explained by divergent socialization experiences such as a tendency to give boys more autonomy than girls, different gender roles such as self-confidence being more valued in boys, or a stronger cultural emphasis on girls’ physical appearance, together with idealized body images portrayed in the media, which may lead to lower self-esteem in girls (Kling et al., 1999). The Present Study In the present study, we investigated adolescent level and change in self-esteem and examined their predictive effects on adult depressive symptoms two decades later. This study extends previous research on the relationship between self-esteem and depression in several ways. First, almost no research exists on change in self-esteem as a predictor of depression. Previous research has often relied on examining potential consequences of either high or low level of self-esteem, largely ignoring the potential consequences of change within these constructs. We thus investigated the independent prospective effects of level and change in self-esteem during adolescence on depressive symptoms at age 35. Second, no research has tested the long-term effects of This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 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adolescent self-esteem (level or change) on depression over decades. Previous research has relied on short-term longitudinal studies, examining the link between low self-esteem and depression over years rather than decades (cf. Sowislo & Orth, 2013).2 Instead, we tested the effects of adolescent self-esteem on adult depressive symptoms two decades later, spanning age 12 through age 35, and thus two different developmental stages. Third, most previous research has focused on global self-esteem and neglected domain-specific evaluations such as perceived physical appearance or academic competence. Because these domains are highly consequential during the transitional period of adolescence, we also tested models for these aspects of domain-specific selfesteem. Fourth, the present study uses data from a large, nationally representative sample for the used variables. For this study, we first investigated level and change in global and domain-specific self-esteem during adolescence. Although most prior studies have revealed a mean-level decrease in selfesteem during adolescence, other studies have reported the opposite pattern, raising the possibility that we might find an increase, a decrease, or no change at all from age 12 to 16 years. More important, we expected to find substantial individual differences in level and change of self-esteem, suggesting that adolescents differ both in their initial level of self-esteem and in the shape and direction of their development. Second, we expected to find gender differences in self-esteem, with boys exhibiting higher levels of global self-esteem and more positive perceptions of their physical appearance and academic ability. Third, we examined the prospective effects of both level and change in adolescent self-esteem on depressive symptoms in adulthood. We expected to replicate the vulnerability effect, such that adolescents with low self-esteem, and those showing declines in self-esteem over the course of adolescence, would be more prone to depressive symptoms two decades later. To further clarify the prospective effects of self-esteem development on adult depression, we included three time-varying covariates: peer popularity, body mass index (BMI), and school grades (Cohen, Kasen, Chen, Hartmark, & Gordon, 2003). The rationale was as follows. According to the sociometer theory (Leary & Baumeister, 2000), global self-esteem can be regarded as a sociometer to monitor how much a person is valued by significant others. Thus, when members of desirable groups or social relationships value one’s relational status as low, self-esteem should be low too. Indeed, research supports the assumption that peer popularity is related to higher self-esteem (e.g., Litwack, Aikins, & Cillessen, 2012; Thomaes et al., 2010). As peers play an increasingly important role in adolescence, we included peer-rated popularity as a time-varying covariate (at all measurement occasions in adolescence) in our analyses to test for peer influences on global self-esteem (see Figure 1). For domain-specific self-esteem, we included time-varying covariates that are directly linked to the respective domains. First, as previous research suggests, a negative association between BMI and both perceived physical appearance and depression (Mustillo, Hendrix, & Schafer, 2012; O’Dea, 2006), we controlled for the potential influence of body mass index (BMI) when examining the effects of physical appearance on depressive symptoms. Second, as previous research demonstrates a positive association between academic achievement and perceived academic competence (Guay, Marsh, & Boivin, 2003; Marsh & Craven, 2006), we included the participants’ school grades as an annual covariate when examining the effects of perceived academic competence. Method Participants Data came from the German LifE-study (Fend, Georg, Berger, Grob, & Lauterbach, 2002).3 Participants (N 2,054) were assessed five times during adolescence at the age of 12 (Time 1 [T1]: 1979), 13 (Time 2 [T2]: 1980; N 2,047), 14 (Time 3 [T3]: 1981; N 2,003), 15 (Time 4 [T4]: 1982; N 1,952), and 16 years (Time 5 [T5]: 1983; N 1,790). A follow-up assessment was conducted in adulthood when participants were 35 years old (Time 6 [T6]: 2002). From the initial study participants, 74% (n 1,527) participated at T6. The adolescent participants are broadly representative of the Western German population with regard to socioeconomic status, gender, ethnic origin, urban versus rural place of residence, and education level (in Germany, pupils are divided in separate school levels according to their academic performance in primary school) (see Fend, Berger, & Grob, 2009, for details). Study members who participated in the age 35 assessment did not differ from the original adolescent sample on any of the key variables of this study, including depressive symptoms at age 16 or global and domain-specific self-esteem at ages 12–16 (see Fend et al., 2009). Measures Global self-esteem. Self-esteem in adolescence was measured with eight items from the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1979). Participants rated each item on a dichotomous scale (0 disagree, 1 agree). The items were summed to create a total score (potential range 0 – 8). Kuder-Richardson (1937) reliability estimates (KR-20) ranged between .72 and .77 for the five measurement occasions. Domain-specific self-esteem: Physical appearance and academic competence. Each self-esteem domain was measured with six items. “Compared to others, I’m pretty attractive” (perceived physical appearance) and “Even when trying hard, I can’t achieve what others can do easily” (perceived academic competence). The items are conceptually comparable to the Perceived Competence Scale for Adolescents (Harter, 1982; Wünsche & Schneekind, 1989). Participants rated each item on a dichotomous scale (0 not true for me, 1 true for me). The items were summed to create scores ranging from 0 to 6. The reliability 2 One exception is the study by Schafer, Wickrama, and Keith (1998), who found adult self-esteem level predicting depression in a small sample of 98 married couples over 13 years. However, this study only included two measurement occasions and did not focus on adolescent development as a predictor of adult depression. 3 Lebensverläufe von der späten Kindheit ins frühe Erwachsenenalter (LifE). Die Bedeutung von Erziehungs erfahrungen und Entwicklungsprozessen für die Lebensbewältigung – Follow-Up zur Konstanzer Jugendlängsschnittstudie, Entwicklung im Jugendalter‘ (Authors: Fend, Georg, Berger, Grob, & Lauterbach, 2002). [Pathways from Late Childhood to Adulthood. Context and Development in Adolescence as Predictors of Productive Life-Courses (Lebensverläufe ins frühe Erwachsenenalter: LifE)]. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 328 STEIGER, ALLEMAND, ROBINS, AND FEND

estimates (KR-20) ranged from .65 to .72 for physical appearance and from .77 to .82 for academic competence. Depression. At age 16 (T5: 1983), 13 items from the original Beck Depression Inventory (BDI; Beck, Ward, Mendelson, Mock, & Erbaugh, 1961) were used to measure depressive symptoms (depressive symptoms were not measured in the age 12–15 assessments). Participants were asked how often they had experienced depressive symptoms during the preceding week. Participants indicated which sentence out of four possible answers reflected their feeling most accurately. This was done for each of the 13 symptoms. An example item is, “I’m not feeling sad at all” (1) to “I’m extremely sad and unhappy; I can hardly bear it” (4). The alpha reliability estimate was .89. In adulthood (T6: 2002), seven items from the BDI-V (Schmitt & Maes, 2000) were used to measure depressive symptoms. Compared with the original BDI, the simplified version BDI-V only consists of 20 items (as opposed to the original version consisting of four gradually increasing sentences with regard to severity for each symptom). Comparison of the original scale with the new version revealed that both versions correlated equally high with self-reported depression and expert ratings of depression (Schmitt et al., 2003). Furthermore, they discriminated depressed and nondepressed individuals equally well, and the two versions had a high correlation both on the level of sum scores (r .91) and on the level of symptoms (r .70) (Schmitt et al., 2003). Thus, the different question formats revealed similar results. For T6 of the LifE-study, seven items of this simplified version of the BDI-V were used. In the Appendix, we provide an overview of the seven items that were extracted from the original 20-item scale of the BDI-V and the 13 items from the original BDI. Participants were asked how often they typically experience depressive symptoms. Participants rated each item on a 6-point Likert-type scale (1 never, 6 always). Example items were “I’m sad” or “I’m thinking of hurting myself.” The alpha reliability estimate was .84. The stability of depression between age 16 and 35 was r .15 (p .01). Only correlating the seven corresponding symptoms of the two scales revealed a stability of depression between age 16 and 35 of r .17 (p .01). Time-varying covariates. We controlled for three variables when examining the effects of self-esteem on depression. First, we controlled for peer popularity when examining the effect of global self-esteem. Peer popularity was rated through peers of the same school class. Pupils were given a complete list of their peers of their school class, and they were instructed to read the list and then indicate a maximum of five peers who they liked the most. Thus, every adolescent received a sum score of his or her popularity (e.g., if an adolescent was listed three times as being liked, this pupil received the score “3”). On average, pupils received around three votes from their peers (MT1–T5 ranged from 2.78 to 3.51, SDT1–T5 ranged from 2.14 to 2.47), but variability in peer popuSE: β = -.41, p <.001 SPA: β = -.19, p <.01 SAC: β = -.31, p < .001 Level Change Depression Age 35 Sex S12 S13 S14 S15 S16 Indicator speciic effect Depression Age 16 C C C C C SE: β = -.36, p <.001 SPA: β = -.21, p <.001 SAC: β = -.15, p < .01 SE: β = -.22, p <.001 SPA: β = -.12, p < .05 SAC: β = -.18, p < .01 SE: β = -.42, p <.001 SPA: β = -.30, p <.001 SAC: β = -.42, p < .001 Figure 1. Second-order latent growth curve model for self-esteem (labeled S12–S16 for each of the three measured models) and the prediction of depressive symptoms at age 16 and 35. The time-varying covariates (labeled C) for global self-esteem are peer popularity and for the domain-specific self-esteem (i.e., perceived physical appearance and academic competence), body mass index and school grades, respectively. Main results are presented for global self-esteem (SE), domain-specific self-esteem of academic competence (SAC), and perceived physical attractiveness (SPA). This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. ADOLESCENT SELF-ESTEEM AND ADULT DEPRESSION 329