1 Filial Daughters?Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai Yang Shen Abstract In China,continuous rural-urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible.This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants.Based on participant observation and inter- viewing,this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the repre- sentation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration.By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women,I demonstrate a com- plicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations,through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted. Keywords:agency;subjectivity;China;filial piety;rural migrant women; intimate relationship Over the last 30 years,China has undergone a profound economic transform- ation.By the end of 2014,China had 168.21 million migrant workers holding rural household registration (hukou )but doing non-farmwork outside their registered hometowns or home villages,accounting for 12.3 per cent of the entire population.2 The shift in geographical location causes profound changes to migrants'intergenerational and conjugal relationships.The post- migration pattern of residence can be viewed as temporarily non-patrilocal This refers to post-marital residence where a couple does not live close to the natal family of either the husband or the wife,as well as to the mode of residence taken up by adult children who separate from their parents before marrying Traditionally,children live with their parents until they are married (although some parents continue to live with one of their sons after his marriage). Migration disrupts the conventional patriarchal way of living for both married and unmarried migrants. School of International and Public Affairs.Shanghai Jiao Tong University.Email:shenyang0118@ gmail.com. 1 Hukou refers to the household registration system in China that categorizes citizens as either urban or rural. 2NBS2015. @The China Quarterly,.2016doi:10.1017/s0305741016000357 CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 IP address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 Filial Daughters? Agency and Subjectivity of Rural Migrant Women in Shanghai Yang Shen* Abstract In China, continuous rural–urban migration on a massive scale disrupts the traditional rural patriarchal society and makes the temporary non-patrilocal way of residence possible. This new residential pattern has brought profound changes to the lives of migrants. Based on participant observation and interviewing, this article intends to explore the exercise of agency and the representation of subjectivity of female migrant workers in intimate relations after migration. By emphasizing the intergenerational relationship and partner relationships of both unmarried and married women, I demonstrate a complicated picture regarding the changing status of rural migrant women and show how these women both conform and challenge the social norm of filial obligations, through which their agency is exerted and subjectivity is crafted. Keywords: agency; subjectivity; China; filial piety; rural migrant women; intimate relationship Over the last 30 years, China has undergone a profound economic transformation. By the end of 2014, China had 168.21 million migrant workers holding rural household registration (hukou 户口)1 but doing non-farmwork outside their registered hometowns or home villages, accounting for 12.3 per cent of the entire population.2 The shift in geographical location causes profound changes to migrants’ intergenerational and conjugal relationships. The postmigration pattern of residence can be viewed as temporarily non-patrilocal. This refers to post-marital residence where a couple does not live close to the natal family of either the husband or the wife, as well as to the mode of residence taken up by adult children who separate from their parents before marrying. Traditionally, children live with their parents until they are married (although some parents continue to live with one of their sons after his marriage). Migration disrupts the conventional patriarchal way of living for both married and unmarried migrants. * School of International and Public Affairs, Shanghai Jiao Tong University. Email: shenyang0118@ gmail.com. 1 Hukou refers to the household registration system in China that categorizes citizens as either urban or rural. 2 NBS 2015. 1 © The China Quarterly, 2016 doi:10.1017/S0305741016000357
2 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 I use the word non-patrilocal rather than neolocal because the latter is not cap- able of capturing the specific form of migrants'post-marriage residence.After marrying,my female informants tried to establish nuclear families in new houses that were geographically close to the husband's natal family.However,the newly- weds rarely used the house,because they usually returned to resume their work in Shanghai soon after marriage.Neolocal residence refers to a mode of post-marital residence where a couple lives separately from either the husband's or the wife's natal family.It can include the conventional patrilineal residence mode whereby newlyweds live geographically close to the husband's natal family.By combining the terms temporary and non-patrilocal,I intend to highlight the fact that the mar- ried couples in this study migrate to a place that is close to neither natal family, although this migration may only be a temporary period in their lives. There has been a significant amount of quantitative literature addressing the issue of rural-urban migration in China.3 Although quantitative research paints a general picture of migrant workers,it is less able to address the complexity and the heterogeneity of migrant workers'experiences in urban China.There has been some qualitative research that has addressed rural migrant women's experi- ences including agency,resistance and the desires of factory women,4 domestic workerss and restaurant workers.6 Continuous migration on a large scale,rural women's increasing participation in the labour market in urban areas and the concomitant non-patrilocal mode of residence have all brought changes to migration.For example,when Tamara Jacka did her fieldwork in the late 1990s and early 2000s she found that migrant women exhibited both filiality and rebellion in daughter-parent relationships.7 Although my fieldwork,conducted in 2011-2014,found the same characteristics in female informants,the reasons acounting for their filial and rebellious behav- iour and partner-finding patterns can be different.Jacka found that migrant women continued to demonstrate filial behaviour after migration as a strategy to maintain their good reputation so that they were marriageable back in home villages.8 My informants,on the other hand,preferred to find their part- ners in urban areas,which was sometimes against their parents'wishes.In add- ition,Jacka found that some parents opposed their daughters'out-migration because it was not common at that time for single women to migrate on their own and it might damage their reputation,whereas I found that parents encour- aged daughters to migrate because it had beome the norm for young people in rural China regardless of their gender. 3 For quantitative research,to mention just a few,please see Cao 2010:Lu et al.2010:NBS 2015. 4 Chan,Anita 2002:Chan,Jenny,and Pun 2010:Chang 2008;Lee,Ching Kwan 1998:Pun 1999.2005. 2012. 5 Gaetano 2004:Jacka 2006:Yan.Hairong 2008. 6He2007.2008 7 Jacka 2006. 8Ibid,178-79. 9Ibid,172. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 I use the word non-patrilocal rather than neolocal because the latter is not capable of capturing the specific form of migrants’ post-marriage residence. After marrying, my female informants tried to establish nuclear families in new houses that were geographically close to the husband’s natal family. However, the newlyweds rarely used the house, because they usually returned to resume their work in Shanghai soon after marriage. Neolocal residence refers to a mode of post-marital residence where a couple lives separately from either the husband’s or the wife’s natal family. It can include the conventional patrilineal residence mode whereby newlyweds live geographically close to the husband’s natal family. By combining the terms temporary and non-patrilocal, I intend to highlight the fact that the married couples in this study migrate to a place that is close to neither natal family, although this migration may only be a temporary period in their lives. There has been a significant amount of quantitative literature addressing the issue of rural–urban migration in China.3 Although quantitative research paints a general picture of migrant workers, it is less able to address the complexity and the heterogeneity of migrant workers’ experiences in urban China. There has been some qualitative research that has addressed rural migrant women’s experiences including agency, resistance and the desires of factory women,4 domestic workers5 and restaurant workers.6 Continuous migration on a large scale, rural women’s increasing participation in the labour market in urban areas and the concomitant non-patrilocal mode of residence have all brought changes to migration. For example, when Tamara Jacka did her fieldwork in the late 1990s and early 2000s she found that migrant women exhibited both filiality and rebellion in daughter–parent relationships.7 Although my fieldwork, conducted in 2011–2014, found the same characteristics in female informants, the reasons acounting for their filial and rebellious behaviour and partner-finding patterns can be different. Jacka found that migrant women continued to demonstrate filial behaviour after migration as a strategy to maintain their good reputation so that they were marriageable back in home villages.8 My informants, on the other hand, preferred to find their partners in urban areas, which was sometimes against their parents’ wishes. In addition, Jacka found that some parents opposed their daughters’ out-migration because it was not common at that time for single women to migrate on their own and it might damage their reputation,9 whereas I found that parents encouraged daughters to migrate because it had beome the norm for young people in rural China regardless of their gender. 3 For quantitative research, to mention just a few, please see Cao 2010; Lü et al. 2010; NBS 2015. 4 Chan, Anita 2002; Chan, Jenny, and Pun 2010; Chang 2008; Lee, Ching Kwan 1998; Pun 1999, 2005, 2012. 5 Gaetano 2004; Jacka 2006; Yan, Hairong 2008. 6 He 2007, 2008. 7 Jacka 2006. 8 Ibid., 178–79. 9 Ibid., 172. 2 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?3 It is necessary to have an updated investigation into how migration affects rural women's intergenerational and conjugal relationships and how they exert agency and express subjectivity in intimate relationships.Using individual exam- ples drawn from fieldwork,I examine these questions by focusing on rural migrant women,and in particular,two waitresses called Ru Nan and Yue,as they look for a partner,engage in a relationship,and settle into post-marriage life.10 In the next section,I briefly conceptualize agency and subjectivity and how filial piety plays a role in constructing subjectivity.I also consider the chan- ging status of rural women in post-Mao China.I then go on to describe my research methods.The empirical findings indicate how migration has empowered migrant women in some ways but has also introduced new problems.The pursuit of romantic love can conflict with filial obligations.The term filial daughter was defined and redefined throughout negotiations over choosing a partner and mar- ried life,illustrating how agency was exercised,how subjectivity was crafted,and how filial piety was practised. Conceptualizing Agency,Subjectivity and Filial Piety Several disciplines,such as philosophy and sociology,deal with the concept of agency from their own specific discipline-based perspectives.Indeed,agency is theory-laden and has a lengthy genealogy in other disciplines,the discussion of which are beyond the scope of this article.Rather,I conceptualize agency within the realm of feminist studies.Kalpana Wilson argues that agency had long been used to describe men but that the discourse of women's agency was not developed until the rise of the feminist movement.11 The concept was harnessed by feminist activists in order to promote women's self-esteem and to organize women to rediscover resistance and act for change against male dominance.12 With regard to definitions,Sherry Ortner has argued that""agency"is virtually synonymous with the forms of power people have at their disposal,their ability to act on their own behalf and influence other people and events and to maintain some kind of control in their own lives.13 Laura Ahearn has paid attention to how agency is socially and culturally mediated and how it functions as the cap- acity to act.14 It is rarely controversial to interpret agency as the capacity to act and bring about effects.Nevertheless,agency should not only be construed as the ability to act.Other embodiments of agency need to be addressed,including speech practices!5 and silence.16 It should be noted that I recognize that various forms of agency are innately rooted in every human being. 10 Apart from the given name of Ru Nan.all names are pseudonyms. 11 Wilson 2007. 12 Gardiner 1995;McNay 2000;Ahearn 2001. 13 Ortner2001,78. 14 Ahearn2001.112 15 Madhok 2013. 16 Demetriou 2001:Kandiyoti 1988:Parpart 2010. CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 It is necessary to have an updated investigation into how migration affects rural women’s intergenerational and conjugal relationships and how they exert agency and express subjectivity in intimate relationships. Using individual examples drawn from fieldwork, I examine these questions by focusing on rural migrant women, and in particular, two waitresses called Ru Nan and Yue, as they look for a partner, engage in a relationship, and settle into post-marriage life.10 In the next section, I briefly conceptualize agency and subjectivity and how filial piety plays a role in constructing subjectivity. I also consider the changing status of rural women in post-Mao China. I then go on to describe my research methods. The empirical findings indicate how migration has empowered migrant women in some ways but has also introduced new problems. The pursuit of romantic love can conflict with filial obligations. The term filial daughter was defined and redefined throughout negotiations over choosing a partner and married life, illustrating how agency was exercised, how subjectivity was crafted, and how filial piety was practised. Conceptualizing Agency, Subjectivity and Filial Piety Several disciplines, such as philosophy and sociology, deal with the concept of agency from their own specific discipline-based perspectives. Indeed, agency is theory-laden and has a lengthy genealogy in other disciplines, the discussion of which are beyond the scope of this article. Rather, I conceptualize agency within the realm of feminist studies. Kalpana Wilson argues that agency had long been used to describe men but that the discourse of women’s agency was not developed until the rise of the feminist movement.11 The concept was harnessed by feminist activists in order to promote women’s self-esteem and to organize women to rediscover resistance and act for change against male dominance.12 With regard to definitions, Sherry Ortner has argued that ‘“agency” is virtually synonymous with the forms of power people have at their disposal, their ability to act on their own behalf and influence other people and events and to maintain some kind of control in their own lives.13 Laura Ahearn has paid attention to how agency is socially and culturally mediated and how it functions as the capacity to act.14 It is rarely controversial to interpret agency as the capacity to act and bring about effects. Nevertheless, agency should not only be construed as the ability to act. Other embodiments of agency need to be addressed, including speech practices15 and silence.16 It should be noted that I recognize that various forms of agency are innately rooted in every human being. 10 Apart from the given name of Ru Nan, all names are pseudonyms. 11 Wilson 2007. 12 Gardiner 1995; McNay 2000; Ahearn 2001. 13 Ortner 2001, 78. 14 Ahearn 2001, 112. 15 Madhok 2013. 16 Demetriou 2001; Kandiyoti 1988; Parpart 2010. Filial Daughters? 3
4 The China Quarterly,pp.1-19 Subjectivity,as some scholars have contended,"is a reality based in prac- tices."17 It is constructed through a person's location in a social field or set of social relationships.18 It"is the way in which individuals interpret and understand their circumstances and is bound up with the sense they have of themselves."19 Also,it implies a"subject as a productive and singular agent of change."20 Scholars often discuss agency and subjectivity together without considering the relationship between them.Agency and subjectivity impact each other.The abil- ity to act,to take some control over one's life (agency),affects how the subject perceives her/himself and the situation in which she/he is positioned(subjectivity); in turn,her/his perceptions of the environment and her/himself impact on the willingness and ability to act.I argue that both agency and subjectivity make sense of the interrelation of the external world and the internal self,and therefore both are considered meaningful ways of addressing social inequality.But,agency and subjectivity stress different aspects of making an action.Agency is more the exercise of power through practices,whereas subjectivity is considered the percep- tion of the self in relation to the world outside.My research suggests that by link- ing these concepts it is possible to gain a greater understanding of the way people act and perceive themselves. In my fieldwork,I found that filial piety/obligation plays a meaningful role in ingenerational relationships.It is important to interrogate how the concepts of agency and subjectivity interplay with filial piety to explain female rural migrant workers'practices in intimate relationships.The practices of filial piety include, but are not limited to,supporting parents materially and mentally,and remaining obedient towards parents even when they are wrong.21 I found Michel Foucault's articulation of subjectivity helpful to explain the interplay between subjectivity and filial piety.Subjectivity is formed under the influence of aesthetics and norms pre- vailing at a specific time.22 Furthermore,he argues that the recognition of people's moral duties is achieved through"self-forming activity."23 Inspired by Foucault,I recognize that subjectivity is fluid and relates to social norms in specific contexts.I adopt his theory to analyse my informants'ideas and practices and how practices shape and re-shape subjectivity.In the context of China,filial piety is a traditional ethical code that is still widely observed today,thanks to heavy promotion by the state.I consider that my informants'subjectivity was internalized through moral codes of familial obligations.Filial practices can be viewed as self-forming activ- ities,through the process of which a filial self is crafted. Although the values of being filial and obedient to parents were challenged during the Cultural Revolution,they have been revived in contemporary 17 Kelly2008.103. 18 McDowell2009.66-67. 19 Knights and McCabe 2000,423. 20 Evans2007,23. 21 Fei 1992:Liu,H.W.1959:Whyte 2004:Zhan and Montgomery 2003. 22 Foucault 2000. 23Ibid.265 CMM JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 Subjectivity, as some scholars have contended, “is a reality based in practices.”17 It is constructed through a person’s location in a social field or set of social relationships.18 It “is the way in which individuals interpret and understand their circumstances and is bound up with the sense they have of themselves.”19 Also, it implies a “subject as a productive and singular agent of change.”20 Scholars often discuss agency and subjectivity together without considering the relationship between them. Agency and subjectivity impact each other. The ability to act, to take some control over one’s life (agency), affects how the subject perceives her/himself and the situation in which she/he is positioned (subjectivity); in turn, her/his perceptions of the environment and her/himself impact on the willingness and ability to act. I argue that both agency and subjectivity make sense of the interrelation of the external world and the internal self, and therefore both are considered meaningful ways of addressing social inequality. But, agency and subjectivity stress different aspects of making an action. Agency is more the exercise of power through practices, whereas subjectivity is considered the perception of the self in relation to the world outside. My research suggests that by linking these concepts it is possible to gain a greater understanding of the way people act and perceive themselves. In my fieldwork, I found that filial piety/obligation plays a meaningful role in ingenerational relationships. It is important to interrogate how the concepts of agency and subjectivity interplay with filial piety to explain female rural migrant workers’ practices in intimate relationships. The practices of filial piety include, but are not limited to, supporting parents materially and mentally, and remaining obedient towards parents even when they are wrong.21 I found Michel Foucault’s articulation of subjectivity helpful to explain the interplay between subjectivity and filial piety. Subjectivity is formed under the influence of aesthetics and norms prevailing at a specific time.22 Furthermore, he argues that the recognition of people’s moral duties is achieved through “self-forming activity.”23 Inspired by Foucault, I recognize that subjectivity is fluid and relates to social norms in specific contexts. I adopt his theory to analyse my informants’ ideas and practices and how practices shape and re-shape subjectivity. In the context of China, filial piety is a traditional ethical code that is still widely observed today, thanks to heavy promotion by the state. I consider that my informants’ subjectivity was internalized through moral codes of familial obligations. Filial practices can be viewed as self-forming activities, through the process of which a filial self is crafted. Although the values of being filial and obedient to parents were challenged during the Cultural Revolution, they have been revived in contemporary 17 Kelly 2008, 103. 18 McDowell 2009, 66–67. 19 Knights and McCabe 2000, 423. 20 Evans 2007, 23. 21 Fei 1992; Liu, H.W. 1959; Whyte 2004; Zhan and Montgomery 2003. 22 Foucault 2000. 23 Ibid., 265 4 The China Quarterly, pp. 1–19
Filial Daughters?5 China.24 The government has been making efforts to emphasize the value of filial piety and to encourage children to take care of their elderly in order to compen- sate for the deficiencies in the current social welfare system.25 In this context,fil- ial piety is internalized as crucial to people's subject formation.Interestingly,the migrant workers did not passively accept this moral code;they redefined it by their actions.For example,Yue's case demonstrates that the notion of a filial daughter can be redefined as providing financial support to the parents,regard- less of the fact that she resisted her parents'attempts to influence her choice of partner. The Changing Status of Migrant Women Women are not a homogeneous group.Instead of reviewing women's status in general,this section primarily focuses on the changing status of rural women. It is undeniable that rural women are empowered in various ways after migration. The nationwide reports on "Chinese women's social status,"published decen- nially from 1990 by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS)and All-China Women's Federation (ACWF),provide evidence that migration positively impacts women's ability to make decisions on personal issues such as finding a partner and family issues.26 In addition,the decreasing suicide rate among rural women offers a further indicator of their empowerment.Some authors have highlighted the disproportionately high suicide rate among women with a rural hukou in the 1980s and 1990s,27 but the most recent findings show that the situation is changing.The latest figures show that the suicide rate for women was significantly higher than that for men from 1987 to 1997,but declined in the 2000s.28 Some scholars have argued that the lowering female sui- cide rate can be explained by migration.Through migration,rural women are able to cast off their subordinate status in the household and leave behind family disputes.Furthermore,pesticides (previously the dominant suicide method)are less available to them after migration. Although there are promising findings of migrant women's empowerment, migration can also have an undesirable impact on rural women.Migrant workers are lower paid,enjoy fewer social benefits,and have poorer living conditions than the local average,and they have to endure long working hours and discrimination from urbanites.According to the NBS and ACWF 2011 report,the main pro- blems encountered by female migrant workers included "being looked down upon"and "salary default or deduction,"which suggests that some basic demands such as being respected and the timely payment of wages remained 24 Feuchtwang 2010:Whyte 2004:Xu and Ji 1999. 25 Chen 1996:Harrell and Santos forthcoming:Wang.Danyu 2004 26 NBS and ACWF 2001,2011. 27 Jacka 2006:Lee,Sing.and Kleinman 2003:Murphy 2004. 28 Liu.Yuting.et al.2010:Wang.Chong Wen,Chan and Yip 2014:Zhong and Gui 2011. 29 Jing,Wu and Zhang 2010. C JOURNALS http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded:03 May 2016 P address:104.237.91.180
http://journals.cambridge.org Downloaded: 03 May 2016 IP address: 104.237.91.180 China.24 The government has been making efforts to emphasize the value of filial piety and to encourage children to take care of their elderly in order to compensate for the deficiencies in the current social welfare system.25 In this context, filial piety is internalized as crucial to people’s subject formation. Interestingly, the migrant workers did not passively accept this moral code; they redefined it by their actions. For example, Yue’s case demonstrates that the notion of a filial daughter can be redefined as providing financial support to the parents, regardless of the fact that she resisted her parents’ attempts to influence her choice of partner. The Changing Status of Migrant Women Women are not a homogeneous group. Instead of reviewing women’s status in general, this section primarily focuses on the changing status of rural women. It is undeniable that rural women are empowered in various ways after migration. The nationwide reports on “Chinese women’s social status,” published decennially from 1990 by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) and All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), provide evidence that migration positively impacts women’s ability to make decisions on personal issues such as finding a partner and family issues.26 In addition, the decreasing suicide rate among rural women offers a further indicator of their empowerment. Some authors have highlighted the disproportionately high suicide rate among women with a rural hukou in the 1980s and 1990s,27 but the most recent findings show that the situation is changing. The latest figures show that the suicide rate for women was significantly higher than that for men from 1987 to 1997, but declined in the 2000s.28 Some scholars have argued that the lowering female suicide rate can be explained by migration. Through migration, rural women are able to cast off their subordinate status in the household and leave behind family disputes. Furthermore, pesticides (previously the dominant suicide method) are less available to them after migration.29 Although there are promising findings of migrant women’s empowerment, migration can also have an undesirable impact on rural women. Migrant workers are lower paid, enjoy fewer social benefits, and have poorer living conditions than the local average, and they have to endure long working hours and discrimination from urbanites. According to the NBS and ACWF 2011 report, the main problems encountered by female migrant workers included “being looked down upon” and “salary default or deduction,” which suggests that some basic demands such as being respected and the timely payment of wages remained 24 Feuchtwang 2010; Whyte 2004; Xu and Ji 1999. 25 Chen 1996; Harrell and Santos forthcoming; Wang, Danyu 2004 26 NBS and ACWF 2001, 2011. 27 Jacka 2006; Lee, Sing, and Kleinman 2003; Murphy 2004. 28 Liu, Yuting, et al. 2010; Wang, Chong Wen, Chan and Yip 2014; Zhong and Gui 2011. 29 Jing, Wu and Zhang 2010. Filial Daughters? 5