Journal of Marriage and Family ncfr YINGCHUN JI Shanghai University Between Tradition and Modernity:"Leftover" Women in Shanghai In recent years,single,educated women who have found themselves increasingly castigated are not yet married by their late 20s in China's as "leftover"women (sheng nii)if they are not major cities have been increasingly castigated yet married by their late 20s.Anxious parents as“leftover”women.After more than3 decades brave public embarrassment to gather in parks, of rapid socioeconomic development,marriage displaying photographs of their daughters and remains near universal and early in China.In the listing their economic prospects in the hope of meantime,there has been a resurgence of patri- finding them a husband.Popular discourse,how- archal traditions.Using semistructured inter- ever,frames these unmarried women as selfish. views,in this qualitative research the author picky,and only interested in men with financial sought to understand the motivations of these resources.The issue of "leftover"women war- women and their efforts to negotiate the con- rants headlines and feature stories in Chinese tradictions regarding marriage formation and newspapers,popular magazines,and TV real- career development.Six themes emerged from ity shows.International media such as the BBC the women's narratives:(a)parental pressure, News,The New York Times,The Economist,and (b)a gender double standard ofaging,(c)forced CNN have also covered the issue. socioeconomic hypergamy,(d)the importance Unfortunately,academics have yet to accord of compatible family backgrounds,(e)efforts the phenomenon much attention.Only a limited to balance women's independence with support amount of quantitative research has investigated for family and men,and (f)conflicting gen- the effect of education on Chinese women's der ideologies.The author contextualizes these marriage timing,with only one study directly themes by analyzing how women weave tradi- examining the so-called "leftover"women tional expectations with modern life in a tran- (Cai Tian,2013;Cai Wang,2011;Qian sitioning China,where tradition and modernity 2012;Tian,2013;Yu Xie,2013).Qualitative alternately clash and converge to constitute a research investigating the issue is similarly somewhat uneasy mosaic society. scarce (Fincher,2014;Gaetano,2010;To, 2013),but here too the few studies that exist are largely descriptive or have focused on mate Since the turn of the new millennium,sin- choice strategy or the empowerment of the gle,educated women in China's major cities single experience.Little is known about the dynamics underlying these women's marriage decisions.It is thus urgent to investigate and School of Sociology and Political Science,Shanghai conceptualize these educated women's con- University.Shanghai,China 200444 straints and struggles in regard to marriage (yingchun_ji@163.com). formation in the rapidly changing context of This article was edited by Kelly Raley. China,which is understood by many of its Key Words:China,education,"leftover"women,marriage. own citizens as transitioning from tradition to modernity,tradition. modernity. Journal of Marriage and Family 77 (October 2015):1057-1073 1057 D0L:10.1111jomf.12220
Yingchun Ji Shanghai University Between Tradition and Modernity: “Leftover” Women in Shanghai In recent years, single, educated women who are not yet married by their late 20s in China’s major cities have been increasingly castigated as “leftover” women. After more than 3 decades of rapid socioeconomic development, marriage remains near universal and early in China. In the meantime, there has been a resurgence of patriarchal traditions. Using semistructured interviews, in this qualitative research the author sought to understand the motivations of these women and their efforts to negotiate the contradictions regarding marriage formation and career development. Six themes emerged from the women’s narratives: (a) parental pressure, (b) a gender double standard of aging, (c) forced socioeconomic hypergamy, (d) the importance of compatible family backgrounds, (e) efforts to balance women’s independence with support for family and men, and (f) conflicting gender ideologies. The author contextualizes these themes by analyzing how women weave traditional expectations with modern life in a transitioning China, where tradition and modernity alternately clash and converge to constitute a somewhat uneasy mosaic society. Since the turn of the new millennium, single, educated women in China’s major cities School of Sociology and Political Science, Shanghai University, Shanghai, China 200444 (yingchun_ji@163.com). This article was edited by Kelly Raley. Key Words: China, education, “leftover” women, marriage, modernity, tradition. have found themselves increasingly castigated as “leftover” women (sheng nü) if they are not yet married by their late 20s. Anxious parents brave public embarrassment to gather in parks, displaying photographs of their daughters and listing their economic prospects in the hope of finding them a husband. Popular discourse, however, frames these unmarried women as selfish, picky, and only interested in men with financial resources. The issue of “leftover” women warrants headlines and feature stories in Chinese newspapers, popular magazines, and TV reality shows. International media such as the BBC News, The New York Times, The Economist, and CNN have also covered the issue. Unfortunately, academics have yet to accord the phenomenon much attention. Only a limited amount of quantitative research has investigated the effect of education on Chinese women’s marriage timing, with only one study directly examining the so-called “leftover” women (Cai & Tian, 2013; Cai & Wang, 2011; Qian 2012; Tian, 2013; Yu & Xie, 2013). Qualitative research investigating the issue is similarly scarce (Fincher, 2014; Gaetano, 2010; To, 2013), but here too the few studies that exist are largely descriptive or have focused on mate choice strategy or the empowerment of the single experience. Little is known about the dynamics underlying these women’s marriage decisions. It is thus urgent to investigate and conceptualize these educated women’s constraints and struggles in regard to marriage formation in the rapidly changing context of China, which is understood by many of its own citizens as transitioning from tradition to modernity. Journal of Marriage and Family 77 (October 2015): 1057–1073 1057 DOI:10.1111/jomf.12220
1058 Journal of Marriage and Family Research indicates that marriage is still early and gender relations shape these professional and nearly universal in China,in spite of three women's efforts to negotiate patriarchal tradi- decades of rapid industrialization,urbanization, tions separating the public and private spheres. and expansion of mass education after the eco- In this study I used data from semistruc- nomic reform initiated in the 1980s (Ji Yeung, tured interviews conducted with 30 educated, 2014;Jones Gubhaju,2009;Yeung Hu, unmarried women in Shanghai in 2013.The 2013).What is interesting is that the pace of interviews place at the foreground women's educated Chinese women delaying or for- narratives regarding their struggles between going marriage is actually much slower/lower modern and traditional expectations in regard compared to equally educated Chinese men to marriage formation and career development. and equally educated women in other Asian The overarching framework emphasizing the societies.At the same time,alongside rapid coexistence of modernity and tradition emerged economic reformation and modernization, from the women's own stories,as did the fol- China has witnessed a resurgence of patriarchal lowing six themes:(a)parental pressure,(b) Confucian tradition in recent years (Fincher, gender double standards of aging,(c)forced 2014;Ji Yeung,2014;Sun Chen,2014). socioeconomic hypergamy,(d)the importance According to this tradition,women are valued of compatible family background,(e)efforts to in terms of their roles as wives and mothers, balance women's independence with support for regardless of the impressive progress made family and men,and (f)the conflict of gender in terms of gender equality in China,with ideologies.The women talked about how they women participating in the labor force en masse confront tradition,challenge gendered double since even the pre-reformation Maoist period standards,develop new meanings out of tra- and receiving more and more education in the dition.attempt to confine patriarchal tradition post-reformation period.The return of patri- to the private family,and criticize traditional archal tradition seems to be at least partially gender norms of male dominance. accountable for the now-stalled,if not declining, In the following sections.I first review the his- status of gender equality in China(P.N.Cohen torical background necessary to understand the Wang,2008;Davis Harrell,1993;Fincher, marriage-versus-career struggles of single,edu- 2014;Ji Yeung,2014;Sun Chen,2014; cated women in China.Second.I outline the the- Zuo Bian.2001). oretical framework I used to make sense of the In this research I investigated how China's coexistence of tradition and modernity in a tran- so-called "leftover"women draw on and inte- sitioning China.Third,I review my methodol- grate elements of both tradition and modernity ogy and introduce the sample.I then present and as they pursue their own ambitions and negotiate discuss the six themes that emerged regarding various constraints vis-a-vis marriage and their these women's constraints and struggles.Finally, careers.In doing so.this study challenges the I argue that despite the recent resurgence of linear narratives of progress and/or convergence patriarchal traditions in the family and discrimi- claimed by modernization theories.which would nation in the marriage market,China's so-called predict that,through economic modernization, "leftover"women are actually innovative actors, the "traditional"family mode in non-Western responding strategically and agentically to con- contexts will transition to the Western "modern" straints and cultural disapprobation to construct family mode.I use the terms tradition and their blend of the modern and traditional in their modernity here in a deliberate but qualified daily lives. way in order not only to critique the natural- ization of the concepts and their assumptions BACKGROUND but also to capture their resilient currency and meaning in people's everyday efforts to make Universal,Early Marriage in China sense of a society undergoing rapid change. Over the past several decades,many Western In this study I conceptualized contemporary as well as Asian societies have witnessed a China as an uneasy mosaic,with expectations notable decline in marriage formation accom- and elements deemed alternately modern and panied by impressive improvement in women's traditional commingling in educated women's educational achievement and mass labor market marriage motivations and behaviors.I also drew participation.Yet,despite experiencing similar on feminist insights to theorize how family social changes and rapid economic development
1058 Journal of Marriage and Family Research indicates that marriage is still early and nearly universal in China, in spite of three decades of rapid industrialization, urbanization, and expansion of mass education after the economic reform initiated in the 1980s (Ji & Yeung, 2014; Jones & Gubhaju, 2009; Yeung & Hu, 2013). What is interesting is that the pace of educated Chinese women delaying or forgoing marriage is actually much slower/lower compared to equally educated Chinese men and equally educated women in other Asian societies. At the same time, alongside rapid economic reformation and modernization, China has witnessed a resurgence of patriarchal Confucian tradition in recent years (Fincher, 2014; Ji & Yeung, 2014; Sun & Chen, 2014). According to this tradition, women are valued in terms of their roles as wives and mothers, regardless of the impressive progress made in terms of gender equality in China, with women participating in the labor force en masse since even the pre-reformation Maoist period and receiving more and more education in the post-reformation period. The return of patriarchal tradition seems to be at least partially accountable for the now-stalled, if not declining, status of gender equality in China (P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; Davis & Harrell, 1993; Fincher, 2014; Ji & Yeung, 2014; Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo & Bian, 2001). In this research I investigated how China’s so-called “leftover” women draw on and integrate elements of both tradition and modernity as they pursue their own ambitions and negotiate various constraints vis-à-vis marriage and their careers. In doing so, this study challenges the linear narratives of progress and/or convergence claimed by modernization theories, which would predict that, through economic modernization, the “traditional” family mode in non-Western contexts will transition to the Western “modern” family mode. I use the terms tradition and modernity here in a deliberate but qualified way in order not only to critique the naturalization of the concepts and their assumptions but also to capture their resilient currency and meaning in people’s everyday efforts to make sense of a society undergoing rapid change. In this study I conceptualized contemporary China as an uneasy mosaic, with expectations and elements deemed alternately modern and traditional commingling in educated women’s marriage motivations and behaviors. I also drew on feminist insights to theorize how family and gender relations shape these professional women’s efforts to negotiate patriarchal traditions separating the public and private spheres. In this study I used data from semistructured interviews conducted with 30 educated, unmarried women in Shanghai in 2013. The interviews place at the foreground women’s narratives regarding their struggles between modern and traditional expectations in regard to marriage formation and career development. The overarching framework emphasizing the coexistence of modernity and tradition emerged from the women’s own stories, as did the following six themes: (a) parental pressure, (b) gender double standards of aging, (c) forced socioeconomic hypergamy, (d) the importance of compatible family background, (e) efforts to balance women’s independence with support for family and men, and (f) the conflict of gender ideologies. The women talked about how they confront tradition, challenge gendered double standards, develop new meanings out of tradition, attempt to confine patriarchal tradition to the private family, and criticize traditional gender norms of male dominance. In the following sections, I first review the historical background necessary to understand the marriage-versus-career struggles of single, educated women in China. Second, I outline the theoretical framework I used to make sense of the coexistence of tradition and modernity in a transitioning China. Third, I review my methodology and introduce the sample. I then present and discuss the six themes that emerged regarding these women’s constraints and struggles. Finally, I argue that despite the recent resurgence of patriarchal traditions in the family and discrimination in the marriage market, China’s so-called “leftover” women are actually innovative actors, responding strategically and agentically to constraints and cultural disapprobation to construct their blend of the modern and traditional in their daily lives. Background Universal, Early Marriage in China Over the past several decades, many Western as well as Asian societies have witnessed a notable decline in marriage formation accompanied by impressive improvement in women’s educational achievement and mass labor market participation. Yet, despite experiencing similar social changes and rapid economic development
Tradition and Modernity 1059 and urbanization,marriage remains nearly As England (2010,p.161)noted,women have universal and early in China to this day (Ji experienced tremendous upward mobility in Yeung,2014;Jones,2007;Jones Gubhaju, education and occupation in the public sphere; 2009;Yeung Hu,2013);indeed,Jones(2007) however.because of the "cultural and insti- remarked that this China"exception"challenges tutional devaluation"of women's work,men conventional marriage theory.On the basis of have not made parallel forays into increased 2000 and 2005 data,Jones and Gubhaju(2009) household work and female-dominated occu- showed that only 2%of women remain single pations.Traditional gender norms still regulate between ages 30 and 34 in China(compared gender relations and family life in the private to 10%for men)and that education contributes sphere.Thanks to this stalled and asymmet- only moderately to delayed marriage. rical gender revolution,the cultural norm of As the most populous country in the world, the male-breadwinner marriage is still widely China is not homogeneous in terms of economic accepted.In short,marriage remains a "gen- development and local traditions;likewise,mar- dered institution supported by cultural norms" riage patterns themselves vary by region.Ji and that enables men to adhere to a traditional Yeung (2014)reported that,in general,edu- gender role ideology despite women's growing cation delays marriage,urbanites marry later, preference for a more egalitarian relationship and individuals in the wealthy eastern region (Sayer,England,Allison,Kangas,2011,p. marry later than those in the remote and eco- 1985;Thornton Young-DeMarco,2001). nomically less developed central and westem The Chinese context is unique in that,prior regions.However,Ji and Yeung emphasized that to the late 1970s,the government disseminated marriage prevalence and timing are not linked a Marxist ideology that promoted egalitarian solely to educational level,urbanization,or eco- gender roles and modernized Chinese families nomic development in China.Local tradition within a Communist political economy (Davis is another important factor that contributes to Harrell,1993).In this Communist version of regional variations in marriage,which can be modernity,women's liberation is achieved pri- at odds with economic development levels.For marily through mass labor participation and,to example,Guangxi Zhuang ethnic autonomous a lesser degree,through mass education.As Mao district,a relatively poor province,has the lat- Zedong so famously put it,women can hold est average age at marriage entry for men.Ethnic up half of the sky.Unfortunately,the revolution traditions in the region that depart from the patri- stopped short of the private sphere of family, archal Han Confucian tradition might be part of and,in China,as in so many Western contexts, the reason.Furthermore,although college edu- traditional gender norms and a gendered divi- cation delays both men and women's marriage sion of labor remain largely unchanged(Parish timing,it is the least educated and most disad- Farrer,2000;Sun Chen,2014:Zuo,2003). vantaged men who face the greatest challenging It is interesting that,in the pre-reform socialist in finding a mate (Ji Yeung,2014).Ultimately, period,the work-unit system(Danwei)in which Ji and Yeung attributed China's "exception"to men and women conducted revolutionary pro- the resurgence of the patriarchal Confucian tra- duction provided comprehensive social services dition and the subsequent boosting of pro-family such as housing,dining,and child care (Stock- values,paired with institutional obstacles such man,1994).As a result,the incompleteness and as a weak social welfare system and the exclu- asymmetry of the gender revolution was perhaps sive legitimacy of childbirth within marriage. less noticeable among dual-income families in China,which have been the norm in both pre- The Uneven Gender Revolution and Marriage and post-reform times. In the three decades since the reformation, as a Traditional Institution however,as the government's focus has shifted Over the past 50 years,women have made to China's transition to Western capitalist remarkable progress in both public and private modernity and a market economy,the official realms.In recent decades.however,the gender propaganda of Marxist ideology,including its revolution has become increasingly uneven, egalitarian gender ideology,has lost momentum. even stalled,and is arguably moving in the In the meantime,traditional,patriarchal Confu- opposite direction for men and women in North cian norms have begun to reclaim ground(P.N. American/Western contexts (England,2010). Cohen Wang,2008;Davis Harrell,1993;
Tradition and Modernity 1059 and urbanization, marriage remains nearly universal and early in China to this day (Ji & Yeung, 2014; Jones, 2007; Jones & Gubhaju, 2009; Yeung & Hu, 2013); indeed, Jones (2007) remarked that this China “exception” challenges conventional marriage theory. On the basis of 2000 and 2005 data, Jones and Gubhaju (2009) showed that only 2% of women remain single between ages 30 and 34 in China (compared to 10% for men) and that education contributes only moderately to delayed marriage. As the most populous country in the world, China is not homogeneous in terms of economic development and local traditions; likewise, marriage patterns themselves vary by region. Ji and Yeung (2014) reported that, in general, education delays marriage, urbanites marry later, and individuals in the wealthy eastern region marry later than those in the remote and economically less developed central and western regions. However, Ji and Yeung emphasized that marriage prevalence and timing are not linked solely to educational level, urbanization, or economic development in China. Local tradition is another important factor that contributes to regional variations in marriage, which can be at odds with economic development levels. For example, Guangxi Zhuang ethnic autonomous district, a relatively poor province, has the latest average age at marriage entry for men. Ethnic traditions in the region that depart from the patriarchal Han Confucian tradition might be part of the reason. Furthermore, although college education delays both men and women’s marriage timing, it is the least educated and most disadvantaged men who face the greatest challenging in finding a mate (Ji & Yeung, 2014). Ultimately, Ji and Yeung attributed China’s “exception” to the resurgence of the patriarchal Confucian tradition and the subsequent boosting of pro-family values, paired with institutional obstacles such as a weak social welfare system and the exclusive legitimacy of childbirth within marriage. The Uneven Gender Revolution and Marriage as a Traditional Institution Over the past 50 years, women have made remarkable progress in both public and private realms. In recent decades, however, the gender revolution has become increasingly uneven, even stalled, and is arguably moving in the opposite direction for men and women in North American/Western contexts (England, 2010). As England (2010, p. 161) noted, women have experienced tremendous upward mobility in education and occupation in the public sphere; however, because of the “cultural and institutional devaluation” of women’s work, men have not made parallel forays into increased household work and female-dominated occupations. Traditional gender norms still regulate gender relations and family life in the private sphere. Thanks to this stalled and asymmetrical gender revolution, the cultural norm of the male-breadwinner marriage is still widely accepted. In short, marriage remains a “gendered institution supported by cultural norms” that enables men to adhere to a traditional gender role ideology despite women’s growing preference for a more egalitarian relationship (Sayer, England, Allison, & Kangas, 2011, p. 1985; Thornton & Young-DeMarco, 2001). The Chinese context is unique in that, prior to the late 1970s, the government disseminated a Marxist ideology that promoted egalitarian gender roles and modernized Chinese families within a Communist political economy (Davis & Harrell, 1993). In this Communist version of modernity, women’s liberation is achieved primarily through mass labor participation and, to a lesser degree, through mass education. As Mao Zedong so famously put it, women can hold up half of the sky. Unfortunately, the revolution stopped short of the private sphere of family, and, in China, as in so many Western contexts, traditional gender norms and a gendered division of labor remain largely unchanged (Parish & Farrer, 2000; Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo, 2003). It is interesting that, in the pre-reform socialist period, the work-unit system (Danwei) in which men and women conducted revolutionary production provided comprehensive social services such as housing, dining, and child care (Stockman, 1994). As a result, the incompleteness and asymmetry of the gender revolution was perhaps less noticeable among dual-income families in China, which have been the norm in both preand post-reform times. In the three decades since the reformation, however, as the government’s focus has shifted to China’s transition to Western capitalist modernity and a market economy, the official propaganda of Marxist ideology, including its egalitarian gender ideology, has lost momentum. In the meantime, traditional, patriarchal Confucian norms have begun to reclaim ground (P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; Davis & Harrell, 1993;
1060 Journal of Marriage and Family Sun Chen,2014).Social services previously economy),patriarchal Confucian tradition provided by the Danwei system have since underwent a resurgence so that gender relations been privatized to the market.This increasingly today are increasingly regulated by traditional pushes women to carry on the"double burden" social norms.These changes are compounded of work and family (Sun Chen,2014,p.3). by the increasing reach of neoliberalism,which Sun and Chen (2014)examined more than 200 suggests individual solutions for institutional- articles from mainstream magazines in China ized and cultural gender issues,thus preserving between 1995 and 2012 and found that,partially patriarchal traditions.Chinese women's more because of the influence of neoliberalism,in egalitarian preferences in the interpersonal particular after China entered the World Trade realm,regarding such issues as marriage and Organization in 2001,the media now focus more family,now butt up against their male counter- and more on individualistic rather than struc- parts'preference for more traditional gender role tural problems and solutions in regard to gender ideology. issues.At the same time,numerous studies have In summary,there are four important reported increasing gender discrimination in elements of the Chinese context relevant to the Chinese labor market (Cao Hu,2007; marriage formation:(a)marriage is still univer- P.N.Cohen Wang,2008;X.Zhang,2002; sal and early,despite impressive socioeconomic Y.Zhang,Hannum,Wang,2008). development;(b)gender relations,particularly At the interpersonal level,Zuo and Bian in the private sphere,are increasingly regulated (2001)reported that in the post-reform 1990s, by traditional gender norms;(c)the resurgence couples in Beijing continued to endorse a gen- of Confucian tradition in the course of rapid dered labor division in the family,with husbands industrialization,marketization,urbanization, serving as breadwinners and wives serving as and globalization adds complexity to the inter- housekeepers.The fairness of their housework action between modernity and tradition:and division is thus evaluated through a gendered (d)in this dynamic cultural and institutional lens.There are even gender disparities when it context marriage remains shaped by patriarchal comes to who subscribes to a more egalitarian traditions despite the fact that dual-income fam- gender ideology.Pimentel's(2006)cohort anal- ilies have long been the norm in China.This is ysis of housework division in China reported the multilayered context in which I investigated that women seem to hold an egalitarian gen- single,educated women's motivations and strug- der ideology across cohorts,while men become gles related to marriage formation,traditional more reluctant to support it across cohorts.She expectations,and career development. suggested that this disjuncture between men and women's gender ideologies may affect their quality of marriage.It is also likely that this gen- THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:THE der disparity may affect single men and women's MODERN-TRADITIONAL MOSAIC marriage motivations differently.Although rapid A Brief Constructive Critique of Modernization economic development,urbanization,industri- Theory alization,and globalization are underway in China,social norms regulating the private sphere Social changes and changes in family ideation of family and marriage seem to have moved and behaviors are a constant theme in sociology backward,if anything,retrenching the patriar- and family studies (Axinn Yabiku,2001; chal tradition in China. Cherlin,2004;Ghimire,Axinn,Yabiku, Thornton,2006;Jones,2007;Rindfuss,Guzzo, Summary Morgan,2003;Thornton Lin,1994).Mod- ernization theory is one important theory that As in Western contexts,the gender revolution connects social changes such as industrializa- in China has been asymmetrical insofar as it tion,urbanization.and mass education to family has been women and not men who have made transitions from traditional to modern(Goode, the most substantial changes.Distinct to the 1970;Inglehart Baker,2000;Thornton, Chinese context is the fact that,in the transi- 2013).As Harkness and Khaled(2014)summa- tion from a Communist vision of modernity rized,"modern"and "traditional"are described (a socialist planned economy)to the West- as dichotomous categories,with terms such ern (capitalist)vision of modernity (a market as individualism,rationality,independence
1060 Journal of Marriage and Family Sun & Chen, 2014). Social services previously provided by the Danwei system have since been privatized to the market. This increasingly pushes women to carry on the “double burden” of work and family (Sun & Chen, 2014, p. 3). Sun and Chen (2014) examined more than 200 articles from mainstream magazines in China between 1995 and 2012 and found that, partially because of the influence of neoliberalism, in particular after China entered the World Trade Organization in 2001, the media now focus more and more on individualistic rather than structural problems and solutions in regard to gender issues. At the same time, numerous studies have reported increasing gender discrimination in the Chinese labor market (Cao & Hu, 2007; P. N. Cohen & Wang, 2008; X. Zhang, 2002; Y. Zhang, Hannum, & Wang, 2008). At the interpersonal level, Zuo and Bian (2001) reported that in the post-reform 1990s, couples in Beijing continued to endorse a gendered labor division in the family, with husbands serving as breadwinners and wives serving as housekeepers. The fairness of their housework division is thus evaluated through a gendered lens. There are even gender disparities when it comes to who subscribes to a more egalitarian gender ideology. Pimentel’s (2006) cohort analysis of housework division in China reported that women seem to hold an egalitarian gender ideology across cohorts, while men become more reluctant to support it across cohorts. She suggested that this disjuncture between men and women’s gender ideologies may affect their quality of marriage. It is also likely that this gender disparity may affect single men and women’s marriage motivations differently. Although rapid economic development, urbanization, industrialization, and globalization are underway in China, social norms regulating the private sphere of family and marriage seem to have moved backward, if anything, retrenching the patriarchal tradition in China. Summary As in Western contexts, the gender revolution in China has been asymmetrical insofar as it has been women and not men who have made the most substantial changes. Distinct to the Chinese context is the fact that, in the transition from a Communist vision of modernity (a socialist planned economy) to the Western (capitalist) vision of modernity (a market economy), patriarchal Confucian tradition underwent a resurgence so that gender relations today are increasingly regulated by traditional social norms. These changes are compounded by the increasing reach of neoliberalism, which suggests individual solutions for institutionalized and cultural gender issues, thus preserving patriarchal traditions. Chinese women’s more egalitarian preferences in the interpersonal realm, regarding such issues as marriage and family, now butt up against their male counterparts’ preference for more traditional gender role ideology. In summary, there are four important elements of the Chinese context relevant to marriage formation: (a) marriage is still universal and early, despite impressive socioeconomic development; (b) gender relations, particularly in the private sphere, are increasingly regulated by traditional gender norms; (c) the resurgence of Confucian tradition in the course of rapid industrialization, marketization, urbanization, and globalization adds complexity to the interaction between modernity and tradition; and (d) in this dynamic cultural and institutional context marriage remains shaped by patriarchal traditions despite the fact that dual-income families have long been the norm in China. This is the multilayered context in which I investigated single, educated women’s motivations and struggles related to marriage formation, traditional expectations, and career development. Theoretical Framework: The Modern–Traditional Mosaic A Brief Constructive Critique of Modernization Theory Social changes and changes in family ideation and behaviors are a constant theme in sociology and family studies (Axinn & Yabiku, 2001; Cherlin, 2004; Ghimire, Axinn, Yabiku, & Thornton, 2006; Jones, 2007; Rindfuss, Guzzo, & Morgan, 2003; Thornton & Lin, 1994). Modernization theory is one important theory that connects social changes such as industrialization, urbanization, and mass education to family transitions from traditional to modern (Goode, 1970; Inglehart & Baker, 2000; Thornton, 2013). As Harkness and Khaled (2014) summarized, “modern” and “traditional” are described as dichotomous categories, with terms such as individualism, rationality, independence
Tradition and Modernity 1061 freedom,and equality falling into the former coexistence and mixing of the modern and category and terms such as authority,patriarchy, traditional in family attitudes and behaviors. familism.and dependence falling into the latter Thornton and Young-DeMarco (2001)found category.In regard to family ideation and behav- that over the past 40 years in the United States iors,arranged marriage,parental control,male there has been a continued trend toward indi- domination,and extended family structures are vidual freedom,gender equality,and tolerance regarded as traditional,whereas love marriage, of diverse family forms.However,marriage individual autonomy,women's independence remains a strongly gendered,traditional insti- and personal development.and nuclear family tution,in which many still believe in the structure are regarded as modern (Allendorf, male-breadwinner and female-homemaker 2013;Thornton,2013).Likewise,the family roles.As the authors suggested,even in the mode of organization in which economic pro- supposedly most modern society of the United duction,education,and health care all occur States,the majority of Americans continue within the family is regarded as traditional, to commit to or idealize these traditional whereas the outsourcing of activities to nonfam- institutions. ily institutions is regarded as modern(Thornton More evidence of intermixed family forms, Fricke,1987;Thornton Lin,1994). behaviors,and values is found in transitional As Thornton(2013)noted,.“modern'”and societies that blur the binary distinction between "traditional"societies are all too often perceived the traditional and the modern.O.Cohen and to be on opposite ends of a linear developmental Savaya's (2003)study of Palestinian divorce, spectrum.Underlying this seemingly progres- for example,described individuals selecting sive continuum are assumptions that assess different elements of modern and traditional non-Western societies according to the values values when making their decisions.Likewise, and criteria of Western societies and locate the in Nepal,Ji (2013)found that some women are former at some earlier,presumably more prim- forging a“third way”that mediates between itive stage,presumably waiting to catch up with student and family roles.In Western modern the latter.This perspective is similarly used to societies,individuals generally either skip explain family changes in non-Western societies. school to enter marriage early,or they postpone Although Thornton argued that the ideology marriage until school completion(Blossfeld of developmental idealism does affect family Huinink,1991;Thornton,Axinn,Teachman, changes in the world,he also emphasized the 1995),although others show this transition can clashes,resistances,modifications,and forms be highly“dense'”and more complicated than of adaptation that occur when the traditional previously understood (Furstenberg.Rumbaut. meets the modern.Inglehart and Baker's(2000) Settersten,2005;Rindfuss,1991).Ji argued study of 65 societies and 75%of the world's that living with an extended family that is will- population showed that cultural changes during ing to help with household chores and child care the process of modernization can and do take is a key contextual factor that can help women's nonlinear paths.As societies modernize,their efforts to combine the modern student role and values may well become more secular,rational, traditional mother and wife role. and tolerant,yet elements of their religious and Allendorf (2013)found that a hybrid of the cultural heritage may also remain remarkably traditional arranged marriage and the modern resilient and even resurgent.Therefore,contrary love marriage is now perceived as the ideal to the narrow,linear claims of modernization marriage in one Indian village,as individuals theory that traditional societies would eventually are increasingly influenced by modern ideations move toward or converge with modern societies, blended with local cultural norms.Finally, traditional and modern components may exist in their study of consanguineous marriage in simultaneously in the same society in the long Qatar,Harkness and Khaled (2014)found that run,constituting a mosaic context. individuals fuse modernity and convention by describing a traditional marriage form using the Family Research Blending Modern language of romantic love-a discursive strategy the authors dubbed modern traditionalism. and Traditional Elements In short,the modern-traditional mosaic Much empirical research in both Western manifests differently in different societies. and non-Western settings has reported the Accordingly,individuals embedded in this
Tradition and Modernity 1061 freedom, and equality falling into the former category and terms such as authority, patriarchy, familism, and dependence falling into the latter category. In regard to family ideation and behaviors, arranged marriage, parental control, male domination, and extended family structures are regarded as traditional, whereas love marriage, individual autonomy, women’s independence and personal development, and nuclear family structure are regarded as modern (Allendorf, 2013; Thornton, 2013). Likewise, the family mode of organization in which economic production, education, and health care all occur within the family is regarded as traditional, whereas the outsourcing of activities to nonfamily institutions is regarded as modern (Thornton & Fricke, 1987; Thornton & Lin, 1994). As Thornton (2013) noted, “modern” and “traditional” societies are all too often perceived to be on opposite ends of a linear developmental spectrum. Underlying this seemingly progressive continuum are assumptions that assess non-Western societies according to the values and criteria of Western societies and locate the former at some earlier, presumably more primitive stage, presumably waiting to catch up with the latter. This perspective is similarly used to explain family changes in non-Western societies. Although Thornton argued that the ideology of developmental idealism does affect family changes in the world, he also emphasized the clashes, resistances, modifications, and forms of adaptation that occur when the traditional meets the modern. Inglehart and Baker’s (2000) study of 65 societies and 75% of the world’s population showed that cultural changes during the process of modernization can and do take nonlinear paths. As societies modernize, their values may well become more secular, rational, and tolerant, yet elements of their religious and cultural heritage may also remain remarkably resilient and even resurgent. Therefore, contrary to the narrow, linear claims of modernization theory that traditional societies would eventually move toward or converge with modern societies, traditional and modern components may exist simultaneously in the same society in the long run, constituting a mosaic context. Family Research Blending Modern and Traditional Elements Much empirical research in both Western and non-Western settings has reported the coexistence and mixing of the modern and traditional in family attitudes and behaviors. Thornton and Young-DeMarco (2001) found that over the past 40 years in the United States there has been a continued trend toward individual freedom, gender equality, and tolerance of diverse family forms. However, marriage remains a strongly gendered, traditional institution, in which many still believe in the male-breadwinner and female-homemaker roles. As the authors suggested, even in the supposedly most modern society of the United States, the majority of Americans continue to commit to or idealize these traditional institutions. More evidence of intermixed family forms, behaviors, and values is found in transitional societies that blur the binary distinction between the traditional and the modern. O. Cohen and Savaya’s (2003) study of Palestinian divorce, for example, described individuals selecting different elements of modern and traditional values when making their decisions. Likewise, in Nepal, Ji (2013) found that some women are forging a “third way” that mediates between student and family roles. In Western modern societies, individuals generally either skip school to enter marriage early, or they postpone marriage until school completion (Blossfeld & Huinink, 1991; Thornton, Axinn, & Teachman, 1995), although others show this transition can be highly “dense” and more complicated than previously understood (Furstenberg, Rumbaut, & Settersten, 2005; Rindfuss, 1991). Ji argued that living with an extended family that is willing to help with household chores and child care is a key contextual factor that can help women’s efforts to combine the modern student role and traditional mother and wife role. Allendorf (2013) found that a hybrid of the traditional arranged marriage and the modern love marriage is now perceived as the ideal marriage in one Indian village, as individuals are increasingly influenced by modern ideations blended with local cultural norms. Finally, in their study of consanguineous marriage in Qatar, Harkness and Khaled (2014) found that individuals fuse modernity and convention by describing a traditional marriage form using the language of romantic love—a discursive strategy the authors dubbed modern traditionalism. In short, the modern–traditional mosaic manifests differently in different societies. Accordingly, individuals embedded in this