The University of North Carolina Press VORII CAROLINA Social Forces, University of North Carolina Press American Cultural Themes and social Work Author(s): Mary Bosworth Treudley Source: Social Forces, Vol 28, No. 3(Mar, 1950), pp. 290-297 Published by: University of North Carolina Press StableUrl:http://www.jstor.org/stable/2572013 Accessed:04/01/201108:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsPJstOr'sTermsandConditionsofUseprovidesinpartthatunless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work, Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showpublisher?publishercode=uncpress Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission JStOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor. org rsity of North Carolina Press and University of North Carolina Press are collaborating JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces OR ittp://www.jstor.org
Social Forces, University of North Carolina Press American Cultural Themes and Social Work Author(s): Mary Bosworth Treudley Source: Social Forces, Vol. 28, No. 3 (Mar., 1950), pp. 290-297 Published by: University of North Carolina Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2572013 . Accessed: 04/01/2011 08:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=uncpress. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Social Forces, University of North Carolina Press and University of North Carolina Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Forces. http://www.jstor.org
SOCIAL FORCES AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK MARY BOSWORTH TREUDLEY OCIAL anthropogists have concerned hierarchy of values being modified, and if so, in in recent years with the pt to dis- what directions? It is with such questions that ve unity to this paper is concerned American culture. These themes are described as generalized orientations, "powerful in their hold EFFORT AND OPTIMISM upon the American mind and imagination. 1 They are the standards of behavior to be found The basis for social work is the conviction that there is a way out of an individuals or a familys the"core culture, "developed by the early English difficulties. No situation is so bad that it cannot be settlers on American soil and accepted most fully bettered. To a certain extent improvement is today by the white Protestant Anglo-American lower middle class. They are the values of the brought about by the manipulation of the environ mass culture, the least common denominator of all client's active participation in his own salvation Social workers, however, part company with those ments of American society. a It seems worth while who believe that any American can solve all his to examine these high-level abstractions in relation to various subcultures at a somewhat more con problems by his own unaided effort. They offer their expert assistance in getting people out of crete level of analysis. The analytical scheme troubles too great for them to manage alone, and used in this paper is one proposed by Clyde and Florence Kluckhohn. The specialized socio-cul. their help is accepted by a steadily growing pro- tural system to which it is to be applied is that of portion of the population. Also in contradiction to the stereotypes of our culture, social workers are not possessed by a boundless optimism which The rapid development of social work, which they communicate to their clients. They promise appears on the surface to be so contrary to the only improvement, not ideal solutions. They urg both of the mass culture and of this particular those who come to them to make the best possible variant. Why should individuali compromise with reality. They hold out bitterly resentful of any outside interference of miracles, but only limited rewards for renewe their affairs, demand so much more of this type of ssistance than the steadily increasing number The change in orientation is not just in the de- schools of social work are prepared to provide? gree of optimism with which social workers the future prospects of their clients. Case his Furthermore, since the clients of social work indicate a certain qualitative change. American gencies come so largely from that segment of society most thoroughly indoctrinated in the core culture, as contrasted with Chinese culture for culture, the results of their experience with this example, has been dominantly goal-directed Ameri terms of possible culture change. Is the American Chinese are concerned with establishing and r 1 Clyde and Florence R. Kluckhohn, "American of the Chinese gentleman is considered by his Culture: Generalized Orientations and Class Patterns, friends and himself as a work of art, into whose in Lyman Bryson, et al.(eds ) Conflicts of Power in evaluation no utilitarian considerations enter Modern Culture(New York, 1947), p. 107. a Jurgen Ruesch, Social Technique, Social Status The personality of the American busi an Is cial Change in Illne ness, in Clyde Kluckhohn thought of as instrumental to the carrying on of and Henry A, Murray (eds ) Personality in Nature nterprises. ociety, and Cullare(New York, 1948), p. 127 The social worker is increasingly concerned with John w. Bennett and Melvin M. Tummin, Social the satisfactions to be secured through family Life:Structure and Function(New York, 1948), pp. relationships. She realizes that her clients will be engaged in purposive activities, but she judges her 4 See footnote 1 above own success he growing happiness of the
290 SOCIAL FORCES AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK MARY BOSWORTH TREUDLEY Wellesley Gllege SOCIAL anthropogists have been concerned in recent years with the attempt to discover the themes which give unity to American culture. These themes are described as generalized orientations, "powerful in their hold upon the American mind and imagination."' They are the standards of behavior to be found in the "core culture," developed by the early English settlers on American soil and accepted most fully today by the white Protestant Anglo-American lower middle class.2 They are the values of the mass culture, the least common denominator of all the varied subcultures carried by different segments of American society.3 It seems worth while to examine these high-level abstractions in relation to various subcultures, at a somewhat more concrete level of analysis. The analytical scheme used in this paper is one proposed by Clyde and Florence Kluckhohn.4 The specialized socio-cultural system to which it is to be applied is that of social work. The rapid development of social work, which appears on the surface to be so contrary to the American way of life, calls for some re-examination both of the mass culture and of this particular variant. Why should individualistic Americans, bitterly resentful of any outside interference in their affairs, demand so much more of this type of assistance than the steadily increasing number of schools of social work are prepared to provide? Furthermore, since the clients of social work agencies come so largely from that segment of society most thoroughly indoctrinated in the core culture, the results of their experience with this category of professionals needs to be evaluated in terms of possible culture change. Is the American hierarchy of values being modified, and if so, in what directions? It is with such questions that this paper is concerned. EFFORT AND OPTIMISM The basis for social work is the conviction that there is a way out of an individual's or a family's difficulties. No situation is so bad that it cannot be bettered. To a certain extent improvement is brought about by the manipulation of the environment, but increasing emphasis is laid upon the client's active participation in his own salvation. Social workers, however, part company with those who believe that any American can solve all his problems by his own unaided effort. They offer their expert assistance in getting people out of troubles too great for them to manage alone, and their help is accepted by a steadily growing proportion of the population. Also in contradiction to the stereotypes of our culture, social workers are not possessed by a boundless optimism which they communicate to their clients. They promise only improvement, not ideal solutions. They urge those who come to them to make the best possible compromise with reality. They hold out no hope of miracles, but only limited rewards for renewed effort. The change in orientation is not just in the degree of optimism with which social workers view the future prospects of their clients. Case histories indicate a certain qualitative change. American culture, as contrasted with Chinese culture for example, hasbeendominantly goal-directed. Americans have been interested in getting things done. Chinese are concerned with establishing and maintaining harmonious relationships. The personality of the Chinese gentleman is considered by his friends and himself as a work of art, into whose evaluation no utilitarian considerations enter. The personality of the American businessman is thought of as instrumental to the carrying on of enterprises. The social worker is increasingly concerned with the satisfactions to be secured through family relationships. She realizes that her clients will be engaged in purposive activities, but she judges her own success by the growing happiness of their I Clyde and Florence R. Kluckhohn, "American Culture: Generalized Orientations and Class Patterns," in Lyman Bryson, et al. (eds.), Conflicts of Power in Modern Culture (New York, 1947), p. 107. 2Jurgen Ruesch, "Social Technique, Social Status, and Social Change in Illness," in Clyde Kluckhohn and Henry A. Murray (eds.), Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture (New York, 1948),p. 127. 3 John W. Bennett and Melvin M. Tummin, Social Life: Structure and Function (New York, 1948), pp. 603-606, 623-629. 4See footnote 1 above
AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK 291 private lives. To her, personality development is effective methods for inculcating norms of con- the chief value, provided always of course that it duct. The new social learning theory stresses the is not used to anti-social ends. Whether social work greater efficacy of rewards as against punishment is cause or effect in the process of change is not in bringing about desired modifications in behavior. 6 important. The indications are that a new basis Experiments in group therapy have indicated the for optimism is being sought. In a stabilized ways in which a permissive atmosphe contributes nomy, not everyone can secure a sense of to the ability of the troubled personality to use his achievement through material rewards greater own initiative in working out a more satisfying than his neighbor has obtained. But most indi- adjustment to reality. The social worker finds the viduals can grow in sensitivity to other people, core culture unduly inhibitory of normal human apacity for enjoyment, maturity in understand- responses, especially to unsatisfactory situations. ing, and conscious awareness of their own develop- She has become convinced that the fundamental nent. It is at least possible to conceive that satis- and essential demands of the social order can be factions from the possession of things are being satisfied without as much sacrifice of the indi- eplaced in larger measure than in the past, by viduals potentialities for growth as the mass tisfactions derived from the enrichment of culture requires. What is more important from rsonal life the point of view of culture change is that, in company with many other professionals, she tries to share her tolerance with parents as they face It is at this point that social work makes one of the behavior of their children. It seems probable its most significant breaks with naive culture. moral codes are being redefined and made less The core culture is characterized by a rigid and repressive moral code, especially in regard to sex repressive at the lower middle class level relations. Relief agencies had their own nineteenth RATIONALISM century variant of this puritanic ethic. They de- manded of their beneficiaries, industry, thrift Karl Mannheim discusses the difference between gratitude,and,after the temperance movement what he calls functional rationalization and sub- got under way, sobriety, and were vocal in their stantial rationality. Rationalization of the indi- disapproval of behavior not appropriate, from vidual takes place when he is fitted, more or less their point of view, for "objects of charity as an automaton, into a functionally rational series The modern social worker has been thoroughly of actions. Substantial rationality exists in its most trained in non-judgmental attitudes and has learned to accept, at least without outward signs able to control his own impulses but also to view of distaste, behavior which would have seemed to himself objectively and to understand why he her morally reprehensible before she entered a behaves as he does. Mannheim,'s criticism of an orofessional school. Her greater tolerance stems industrial society arises from the fact that it in- artly from an understanding of deviant behavior creases the functional rationalization of its mem nore profound than the ordinary citizen possesses. bers, without adding appreciably to their sub- Perhaps it would be more correct to say, in the stantial rationality. That way lies mass society, light of the Kinsey report that social workers are ahuge instrument to be wielded by any power-mad fully aware of the fact that the range of normal demagogue behavior is much broader than the ideal patterns Social workers would subscribe to Mannheim,'s imply. A more realistic appraisal of the current position that modern man is not inevitably situation keeps her from finding fault with conduct For the Yale theory of social learning, see Neale that occurs in life much more frequently than in Miller and John Dollard, Social Learning and imitation conventional thinking (New Haven, 1941); John Dollard, "The Acquisition The social worker also differs from the of New Social Habits, " in Ralph Linton(ed), T/ of the core culture in her assessment of the Science of Man in the World Crisis(New York, 1943 Pp. 442-464. See also the reference in footnote 2. 5 An excellent illustration of this is found in the ca 7S. R. Slavson has done most to publicize the de- of Helen Johnson, reported in Florence Hollis, Social velopments in group therapy. Case Work in Practice: Six Case Studies(New York, 8 Karl Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of 1939),chap.5. Recon struction (New York, 1940), pp 51-60
AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK 291 private lives. To her, personality development is the chief value, provided always of course that it is not used to anti-social ends. Whether social work is cause or effect in the process of change is not important. The indications are that a new basis for optimism is being sought. In a stabilized economy, not everyone can secure a sense of achievement through material rewards greater than his neighbor has obtained. But most individuals can grow in sensitivity to other people, capacity for enjoyment, maturity in understanding, and conscious awareness of their own development. It is at least possible to conceive that satisfactions from the possession of things are being replaced in larger measure than in the past, by satisfactions derived from the enrichment of personal life. MORAL PURPOSE It is at this point that social work makes one of its most significant breaks with naive culture. The core culture is characterized by a rigid and repressive moral code, especially in regard to sex relations. Relief agencies had their own nineteenth century variant of this puritanic ethic. They demanded of their beneficiaries, industry, thrift, gratitude, and, after the temperance movement got under way, sobriety, and were vocal in their disapproval of behavior not appropriate, from their point of view, for "objects of charity." The modern social worker has been thoroughly trained in non-judgmental attitudes and has learned to accept, at least without outward signs of distaste, behavior which would have seemed to her morally reprehensible before she entered a professional school.5 Her greater tolerance stems partly from an understanding of deviant behavior more profound than the ordinary citizen possesses. Perhaps it would be more correct to say, in the light of the Kinsey report, that social workers are fully aware of the fact that the range of normal behavior is much broader than the ideal patterns imply. A more realistic appraisal of the current situation keeps her from finding fault with conduct that occurs in life much more frequently than in conventional thinking. The social worker also differs from the carriers of the core culture in her assessment of the most effective methods for inculcating norms of conduct. The new social learning theory stresses the greater efficacy of rewards as against punishment, in bringing about desired modifications in behavior.6 Experiments in group therapy have indicated the ways in which a permissive atmosphere contributes to the ability of the troubled personality to use his own initiative in working out a more satisfying adjustment to reality.7 The social worker finds the core culture unduly inhibitory of normal human responses, especially to unsatisfactory situations. She has become convinced that the fundamental and essential demands of the social order can be satisfied without as much sacrifice of the individual's potentialities for growth as the mass culture requires. What is more important from the point of view of culture change is that, in company with many other professionals, she tries to share her tolerance with parents as they face the behavior of their children. It seems probable that, in this process of parent guidance, American moral codes are being redefined and made less repressive at the lower middle class level. RATIONALISM Karl Mannheim discusses the difference between what he calls functional rationalization and substantial rationality.8 Rationalization of the individual takes place when he is fitted, more or less as an automaton, into a functionally rational series of actions. Substantial rationality exists in its most complete form, when the individual is not only able to control his own impulses but also to view himself objectively and to understand why he behaves as he does. Mannheim's criticism of an industrial society arises from the fact that it increases the functional rationalization of its members, without adding appreciably to their substantial rationality. That way lies mass society, ahugeinstrumenttobe wielded by any power-mad demagogue. Social workers would subscribe to Mannheim's position that modern man is not inevitably a 5 An excellent illustration of this is found in the case of Helen Johnson, reported in Florence Hollis, Social Case Work in Practice: Six Case Studies (New York, 1939), chap. 5. 6 For the Yale theory of social learning, see Neale Miller and John Dollard, Social Learning and Imitation (New Haven, 1941); John Dollard, "The Acquisition of New Social Habits," in Ralph Linton (ed.), The Science of Man in the World Crisis (New York, 1943) pp. 442-464. See also the reference in footnote 2. 7 S. R. Slavson has done most to publicize the developments in group therapy. 8 Karl Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction (New York, 1940), pp. 51-60
SOCIAL FORCES rational animal. "They are, however, Americans it provides, is bound to increase the substantial as the Kluckhohn describe us rationality of a large proportion of the people affected by it. Our glorification of"science"and our faith in what can are two striking ROMANTIC INDIVIDUALISM ralized conviction that secula The mass culture tends to define social workers humanistic effort will improve the world in a series of or mainly for the better, 9 busybodies, interfering with eople,s lives to relieve the frustrations of their They have accepted the idea and are incorporating own experience. And yet social work is an expand the practice of non-directive counseling, which ing profession with many more positions open than rests on faith in the ordinary man's capacity for there are trained professionals to fill them. There the rational ordering of his own life to So far has is, too, a stigma on accepting the help of social the movement toward self-direction gone and so agencies, but their clients gr numbers year fundamental to modern social work is the belief in by year. Why should Americans who hate"being the possibility of rational action by human beings, told what to do, "go as so many of them do, to that very young children are encouraged to gain family counseling agencies and child guidance insight into their disturbing relations with their clinics where they get nothing but advice? The parents and thereby learn to deal themselves with "something for nothing"philosophy sends a fair the resulting problems. Environmental factors number of individuals to relief offices, but making which social workers a decade or so ago would use of the skilled services of a social worker requires have considered so unfavorable as to demand either a different type of motivation and one that runs removal of the child or modification of his situation counter to the ideology of romantic individualism by an external agency, are now thought within De Tocqueville found the Americans of his day the childs capacity to handle with training. At the more interested in equality than in freedom. A same time children, who would have been ap- social worker might be justified in claiming that proached only through their mothers, now have her clients are more concerned with success than their own case workers and receive treatment with freedom, if freedom is defined as individualis directly tic effort. Social settlements have been criticized The social worker shows his orientation to for aiding their members to climb up the social American mass culture by refusing to admit, ladder, but it is doubtful whether any form of publicly at least, that there are people who are ocial work can succeed with a person who is not incapable of rationa motivated by a desire for increased prestige or practice, of course, mental deficiency and mental esteem. American culture has defined more rigidly illness set limits to therapy as well as to education. the goal of "keeping up with the Jo She is also American in ignoring religion, though getting ahead of them, than the socially acceptable she may bring it into her calculations because of methods of attaining that goal. Competition for its therapeutic value and she is aware of the im- money and position excuses a"multitude of sins portance of church membership as status-defining ranging from violations of the law to the accept and possessed of associational satisfactions for ance of professional assistance. An applicant fo some of her clients case-work guidance must have reached the point Social work is definitely aimed at combatting of evaluating the desired improvement in status the depersonalization of human beings by modern more highly than the complete independence upon industry and urban anonymity. Active participa- which our myth of free enterprise places such The Kluckhohn refer to the fact that "soci Clyde and Florence R. Kluckhohn, loG ci, p. 111. change has its origins in the strains and dissatis- is Carl B. Rogers. See especially his Counsel factions felt by specific individuals. Social workers pls in Praclice are sometimes accused of attempting to adjust 1942) dividuals to situations that ought to be changed t discussion of this development is to and thereby blocking progress. In a sense, Ameri- leanor Clifton and Florence Hollis(eds ) can society has followed English precedent, Child Therapy: A Casework Symposium(New York, using such agents to buy off social revolution 194 Social workers would say, however, that the new
292 SOCIAL FORCES "rational animal." They are, however, Americans as the Kluckhohns describe us. Our glorification of "science" and our faith in what can be accomplished through "education," are two striking aspects of our generalized conviction that secular, humanistic effort will improve the world in a series of changes, all or mainly for the better,9 They have accepted the idea and are incorporating the practice of non-directive counseling, which rests on faith in the ordinary man's capacity for the rational ordering of his own life.-" So far has the movement toward self-direction gone and so fundamental to modern social work is the belief in the possibility of rational action by human beings, that very young children are encouraged to gain insight into their disturbing relations with their parents and thereby learn to deal themselves with the resulting problems." Environmental factors which social workers a decade or so ago would have considered so unfavorable as to demand either removal of the child or modification of his situation by an extern'al agency, are now thought within the child's capacity to handle with training. At the same time children, who would have been approached only through their mothers, now have their own case workers and receive treatment directly. The social worker shows his orientation to American mass culture by refusing to admit, publicly at least, that there are people who are incapable of rational goal-directed behavior. In practice, of course, mental deficiency and mental illness set limits to therapy as well as to education. She is also American in ignoring religion, though she may bring it into her calculations because of its therapeutic value and she is aware of the importance of church membership as status-defining and possessed of associational satisfactions for some of her clients. Social work is definitely aimed at combatting the depersonalization of human beings by modern industry and urban anonymity. Active participation in a process of interaction as sophisticated as it provides, is bound to increase the substantial rationality of a large proportion of the people affected by it. ROMANTIC INDIVIDUALISM The mass culture tends to define social workers as meddlesome busybodies, interfering with other people's lives to relieve the frustrations of their own experience. And yet social work is an expanding profession with many more positions open than there are trained professionals to fill them. There is, too, a stigma on accepting the help of social agencies, but their clients grow in numbers year by year. Why should Americans who hate "being told what to do," go as so many of them do, to family counseling agencies and child guidance clinics where they get nothing but advice? The "something for nothing" philosophy sends a fair number of individuals to relief offices, but making use of the skilled services of a social worker requires a different type of motivation and one that runs counter to the ideology of romantic individualism. De Tocqueville found the Americans of his day more interested in equality than in freedom. A social worker might be justified in claiming that her clients are more concerned with success than with freedom, if freedom is defined as individualistic effort. Social settlements have been criticized for aiding their members to climb up the social ladder, but it is doubtful whether any form of social work can succeed with a person who is not motivated by a desire for increased prestige or esteem. American culture has defined more rigidly the goal of "keeping up with the Joneses," or getting ahead of them, than the socially acceptable methods of attaining that goal. Competition for money and position excuses a "multitude of sins," ranging from violations of the law to the acceptance of professional assistance. An applicant for case-work guidance must have reached the point of evaluating the desired improvement in status more highly than the complete independence upon which our myth of free enterprise places such supreme importance. The Kluckhohns refer to the fact that "social change has its origins in the strains and dissatisfactions felt by specific individuals." Social workers are sometimes accu sed of attempting to adjust individuals to situations that ought to be changed and thereby blocking progress. In a sense, American society has followed English precedent, in using such agents to buy off social revolution. Social workers would say, however, that the new I Clyde and Florence R. Kluckhohn, loc. cit., p. 111. 10 The leading exponent of non-directive counseling is Carl B. Rogers. See especially his Counseling and Psychotherapy: Neweer Concepts in Practice (Boston, 1942). 11 A recent discussion of this development is to be found in Eleanor Clifton and Florence Hollis (eds.), Child Therapy: A Casework Symposium (New York, 1948)
AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK 293 equilibrium, which they along with other liberals dred""of New York society and the poor german see as necessary, has to be worked out, individual rag and bone collectors who made Murray Hill by individual and group by group, if it is not to be a noisome stench, or the slum dwellers whose imposed by a totalitarian state in the interests of living conditions and behavior gave rise to such thinking has been adopted by large secte way of street names as Poverty Lane and Murderers' public, can it be democratically enacted into law. riots of 1862. The cult of the average men had no In helping people to make the best of the present strong hold upon many occupants of upper class age, social workers might claim that they were position. Their relation to the underdog was not preparing the way for the"new world a-comin' one of sympathetic identification but rather, on the As has been pointed out before, one of the con- one hand, of using him to indicate their own tributions of social work to the changing American superior status and to buttress its foundations and culture may be through the redefining of what on the other, of appeasing him when he growled constitutes success. In some cases increased earning too loudly and ominously. power results for the client from the social-work Opposed to these upper class ways of thinking process, but usually the chief gains are not such as there was always the belief that the average man can be measured in dollars and cents. The divorce was the chief treasure of the state. Beginning with of the concept of romantic individualism from the the decade of depression following the panic of defensive aggressiveness of the market place might 1837, there was also a clear realization on the par bring it into closer accord with present day of many intelligent citizens that business cycles realities. Since non-material satisfactions are not were responsible for more poverty than the charac subject to the economic laws of scarcity, social ter defects of the working class. While nineteenth work may aid in establishing our cherished ideol- century philanthropists fought bitterly against ogy on a surer foundation. Aspirations for in- the idea that any man had a right to relief, espe dividual growth in understanding and insight and ally from tblic treasury, capacity for the appreciation of the simple joys of categories of need nevertheless gained ground g are possible of satisfaction even without an There was less resistance to the practice of pro- living unlimited bank account. Not only are such gains viding through private beneficence many of the not secured at the expense of the "other fellow, amenities of life for those isolated from the main they are in general obtained more easily and in stream of American culture through ignorance larger measure by persons as members of groups. and poverty In other words, modern Americans apparently are Over and over again in our national develop- faced with the necessity of giving up either their ment, reforms have been tried out first on the poor romance or their individualism. Social workers and then passed on to the wealthy. Kindergartens urge their clients to value the possibility of hope and nursery schools, playgrounds and summer fulfilled more highly than the unrealistic belief in camps, manual training and child guidance were the rugged aloneness of their endeavor. made available to slum children long before they were common among the well-to-do. The initial The charity of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and push for the establishment of Massachusetts nineteenth centuries, out of which socia General Hospital was given by the chaplain of the Boston almshouse. Medical social work was the aristocratic society of the eastern seaboard than first provided for middle-class patients, but not in the frontier democracy of the Old and Ney West. The principle of less eligibility was in time had enjoyed such service. The social settlement evolved to define the position of "objects of was only one of the overt expressions of the cult charity"as below the poorest of independent of the workmen. By the middle of the nineteenth century ocial work counters the compulsion to conform there was a genuine fear of the"dangerous classes" to the standards of one s own social lieu. More s a threat to the vested interests of power and accurately it broadens the world of its clients, privilege a The wide gulf between the"five hun- establishing contacts with a wider range of class 12 See, for example, Charles Loring Brace, The Dan- orientations and a greater variety of specialized gerous Classes in New York(New York, 1880) subcultures, than the ordinary person can attain
AMERICAN CULTURAL THEMES AND SOCIAL WORK 293 equilibrium, which they along with other liberals see as necessary, has to be worked out, individual by individual and group by group, if it is not to be imposed by a totalitarian state in the interests of a powerful bureaucracy. Only when a new way of thinking has been adopted by large sections of the public, can it be democratically enacted into law. In helping people to make the best of the present age, social workers might claim that they were preparing the way for the "new world a-comin'." As has been pointed out before, one of the contributions of social work to the changing American culture may be through the redefining of what constitutes success. In some cases increased earning power results for the client from the social-work process, but usually the chief gains are not such as can be measured in dollars and cents. The divorce of the concept of romantic individualism from the defensive aggressiveness of the market place might bring it into closer accord with present day realities. Since non-material satisfactions are not subject to the economic laws of scarcity, social work may aid in establishing our cherished ideology on a surer foundation. Aspirations for individual growth in understanding and insight and capacity for the appreciation of the simple joys of living are possible of satisfaction even without an unlimited bank account. Not only are such gains not secured at the expense of the "other fellow," they are in general obtained more easily and in larger measure by persons as members of groups. In other words, modern Americans apparently are faced with the necessity of giving up either their romance or their individualism. Social workers urge their clients to value the possibility of hope fulfilled more highly than the unrealistic belief in the rugged aloneness of their endeavor. CULT OF THE AVERAGE MAN The charity of the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, out of which social work developed, found a more congenial setting in the aristocratic society of the eastern seaboard than in the frontier democracy of the Old and New West. The principle of less eligibility was in time evolved to define the position of "objects of charity" as below the poorest of independent workmen. By the middle of the nineteenth century, there was a genuine fear of the "dangerous classes" as a threat to the vested interests of power and Drivilege.12 The wide gulf between the "five hundred" of New York society and the poor German rag and bone collectors who made Murray Hill a noisome stench, or the slum dwellers whose living conditions and behavior gave rise to such street names as Poverty Lane and Murderers' Alley, was thrown into vivid relief by the draft riots of 1862. The cult of the average men had no strong hold upon many occupants of upper class position. Their relation to the underdog was not one of sympathetic identification but rather, on the one hand, of using him to indicate their own superior status and to buttress its foundations and, on the other, of appeasing him when he growled too loudly and ominously. Opposed to these upper class ways of thinking, there was always the belief that the average man was the chief treasure of the state. Beginning with the decade of depression following the panic of 1837, there was also a clear realization on the part of many intelligent citizens that business cycles were responsible for more poverty than the character defects of the working class. XVhile nineteenth century philanthropists fought bitterly against the idea that any man had a right to relief, especially from the public treasury, state care for many categories of need nevertheless gained ground. There was less resistance to the practice of providing through private beneficence many of the amenities of life for those isolated from the main stream of American culture through ignorance and poverty. Over and over again in our national development, reforms have been tried out first oni the poor and then passed on to the wealthy. Kindergartens and nursery schools, playgrounds and summer camps, manual training and child guidance were made available to slum children long before they were common among the well-to-do. The initial push for the establishment of Massachusetts General Hospital was given by the chaplain of the Boston almshouse. Medical social work was there first provided for middle-class patients, but not until a quarter of a century after the charity wards had enjoyed such service. The social settlement was only one of the overt expressions of the cult of the average man. Social work counters the compulsion to conform to the standards of one's own social milieu. More accurately it broadens the world of its clients, establishing contacts with a wider range of class orientations and a greater variety of specialized subcultures, than the ordinary person can attain 12 See, for example, Charles Loring Brace, Thie Dangerous Classes in New York (New York, 1880)