知 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 23 point.Writing to the former on 26th February,1841 Lord mation.We cannot do so in Chinese waters or harbours,and Palmerston remarks;-"In bringing this matter before the at sea every vessel carries what cargo she likes."While the Chinese Plenipotentiaries,you will state that the admission of negotiations were proceeding Sir William Parker,admiral in opium into China as an article of legal trade,is not one of the command of the British fleet in China,reported to Pottinger a demands which you have been instructed to make upon the Chinese marked increase in the opium trade at Chusan,and in his reply Government;and you will not enter upon the subject of it in the Plenipotentiary defined the attitude of the British Govern- such a way as to lead the Chinese Plenipotentiaries to think that ment,and stated that in accordance with instructions he had it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to use any endeavoured to persuade the Chinese High Commissioners to compulsion in regard to this mattee' .It is evident that secure the control of the trade by legalizing it as the British no exertion of the Chinese authorities can put down the trade on Government desired "to authorize any legal steps to aid the the Chinese coast,because the temptation both to the buyers and Chinese Government in restricting the trade,or at least putting to the sellers is stronger than can be counteracted by any fear it on some less dangerous and disreputable footing than it is at of detection and punishment.It is equally clear that it is wholly present."In this he had so far been unsuccessful,the High out of the power of the British Government to prevent opium Commissioners holding "that so long as it pleased the Emperor from being carried to China,because even if none were grown to disallow the traffic,they could not do more than promise that in any part of British territories,plenty of it would be produced the Chinese authorities should not trouble themselves to inquire in other countries,and would thence be sent to China by adven- what vessels brought opium,or what did not,and that their turous men either British or of other nations."1 Three months business would be to see that the soldiers and people of China did later,equally explicit instructions were given to Pottinger; not purchase or use the drug."3 The Plenipotentiary pointed out "Her Majesty's Government make no demands in regard to this that vessels under other flags were also engaged in the trade,and matter,for they have no right to do so.The Chinese Govern- that the exclusion of one country from the trade would simply ment is fully entitled to prohibit the importation of opium if it react in favour of all the others so engaged.Suppression,he pleases;and Britsh subjects who engage in a contraband trade maintained,was for the Chinese to effect.The British were not must take the consequences of doing so.But it is desirable that at liberty to assist in the seizure and confiscation of opium in you should avail yourself of every favourable opportunity Chinese waters,and it was "this fact,and the connivance of the strongly to impress upon the Chinese Plenipotentiary,and Chinese authorities of all ranks in the opium trade"which were through him upon the Chinese Government,by all the arguments "the great and insurmountable obstacles to any plan that can be which will naturally suggest themselves to your mind how much devised."The Chinese negotiators,however,had a plan. it would be for the interest of the Chinese Government itself to Morrison had suggested that the opium trade should be legalized, alter the law of China on this matter,and to legalize by a but that the import of the drug should be confined to the two regular duty a trade which they cannot prevent."This point places where it then flourished most,namely Namoa and Chin- of view Pottinger impressed upon Messrs.Morrison and Thom in chew.He estimated that the average import amounted to 30,000 case the Chinese negotiators should raise the question;adding- chests,which at a duty of $50 a chest would yield for the Imperial "If the Chinese Government demand that opium shall not be Exchequer the desirable revenue of $1,500,000 a year.In reply, introduced into the inner waters of the Empire,I am prepared Keying declared that he was willing to risk making the following to issue a proclamation to this effect,calling on all British proposal to the Emperor,namely,that the British Plenipotenti- subjects to conform to the demand of the Chinese Government, ary should become security for the whole body of merchants, and warning them of the risk of disregarding it,which will lead 1F.O.228/23;Pottinger to Aberdeen;enclo.No.25 in desp.No.7, to the confiscation of vessel and cargo.This,however,it is 6th February,1843.B.P.P.Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China, clear,depends on the power of the Chinese to enforce the procla- 1842-1856,p,8. 2F.O.228/28;Pottinger to Aberdeen;desp.No.33;12th April,1843. 1 B.P.P.Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China,1842-1856; 1857,D.1, s F.O.17/67;F.O.228/28;Pottinger to Aberdeen,desp.No.33;12th April,1848. 21bid,p.2
22 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY point. Writing to the former or"\26th February, 1841 Lord Palmerston remarks ;-"In bringing this matter before the Chinese Plenipotentiaries, you will state that the admission of opium into China as an article of legal trade, is not one of the demands which you have been instructed to make upon the Chinese· Government; and you will not enter upon the subject of it in such a way as to lead the Chinese Plenipotentiaries to think that it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to use any compulsion in regard to this matt",..,.', ., It is evirlent that no exertion of the Chinese authoritie'er;;--an put down the trade on the Chinese coast, because the temptation both to the buyers and to the sellers is stronger than can be counteracted by any ':fear of detection and punishment. It is equally clear that it is wholly out of the power of the British Government to prevent opium from being carried to China, because even if none were grown in any part of .British territories, plenty of it would be produced in other countries, and would thence be sent to China by adventurous men either British or of other nations."l Three months .later, equally explicit instructions were given to Pottinger i- "Her Majesty's Government make no demands in regard to this matter, for they have no right to do so. The Chinese Government is fully entitled to prohibit the importation of opium if it pleases; and Britsh subjects who engage in a contraband trade must take the consequences of doing so. But it is desirable that you should avail YO\lrself of every favourable opportunity strongly to impress upon the. Chinese Plenipotentiary, and through him upon the Chinese Government, by all the arguments which will naturally suggest themselves to your mind how much it would be for the interest of the Chinese Government itself to 'alter the law of China on this matter, and to legalize by a regular duty a trade which they cannot prevent."2 This point of view Pottinger impressed upon Messrs. Morrison and Thorn in case the Chinese negotiators should raise the question ; adding- "If the Chinese Government demand that opium shall not be introduced into the inner waters of the Empire, I am prepared to issue a proclamation to this effect, calling on all British subjects to conform to the demand of the Chinese Government, and warning them of the risk of disregarding it, which will lead to the confiscation of vessel and cargo. This, however, it is clear, depends on the power of the Chinese to enforce the procIa- 1 BoP.P. Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China, 1842-18.56; 1857, p. 1. 2lbid., p. 2. THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 23 mation. We cannot do so in Chinese waters or harbours, and at sea every vessel carries what cargo she likes"'! While the negotiations were proceeding Sir William Parker, admiral in command of the British fleet in China, reported to Pottinger a marked increase in the opium trade at Chusan, and in his reply the Plenipotentiary defined the attitude of the British Government, and stated that in accordance with instructions he had endeavoured to persuade'the Chinese High Commissioners. to secure the control ~f the trade by legalizing it as the British Government desired "to authorize any legal steps to aid the Chinese Government in restricting the trade, or at least putting it on some less dangerous and disreputable footing than it is at present."2 In ,this he had so far been unsuccessful, the High Commissioners holding "that so long as it pleased the Emperor to disallow the traffic, they could not do more than promise that the Chinese authorities should not trouble themselves to inquire what vessels brought opium, or what did not, and that their business would be to see that the soldiers and people of China did not purchase or use the drug."2 The Plenipotentiary pointed ollt that vessels under other flags were also engaged in the trade, and t.hat the exclusion of one country from the trade would simply react in favour of all the others so engaged. Suppression, he maintained, was for the Chinese to effect. The British were not at ~iberty to assist in the seizure and confiscation of opium in Chmese waters, and it was "this fact, and the connivance of the Chinese authorities of all ranks in the opium trade" which were "the great and insurmountable obstacles to any plan that can be devis~d."3 The Chinese negotiators, however, had a plan. MorrIson had suggested that the opium trade should be legalized, but that the import of the drug should be confined to the two places where it then flourished most, namely Namoa and Chinchew. He estimated that the average import amounted to 30000 chests, which at a duty of $50 a chest would.yield for the Imp~rial Exchequer the desirable revenue of $1,500,000 a year. In reply, Keying declared that he was willing to risk making the following proposal to the Emperor, namely, that the British Plenipotentiary should become security for the whole body of merchants, 1 F.O. 228/23; Pottinger to Aberdeen; enelo. No. 25 in desp. No.7, 6th !<'ebruary, 1843. B.P.P. Papers relating to the Opium T.·ade in China, 1842-1856, p, 3. 2 F.O. 228/23; Pottinger to Aberdeen;' desp. No. 33; 12th April, 1843. 3.F.O. 17/67; F.O. 228/23; Pottinger to Aberdeen, desp. No. 33' 12th April, 1843.
THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 25 24 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY not only to the old stations such as Namoa,Cumsing- should guarantee that imports of opium would yield an annual moon,Chinchew,and Chinmoo,but also to the outskirts of the revenue of $3,000,000 and arrange to pay this amount in advance treaty ports.Here the foreign opium dealers established receiv- for five years;he was furthermore to guarantee this method of ing ships,1 well armed in order to protect their precious freight payment for a period of ten years to date from the day of the against piratical attacks.From these ships the drug was sold new system of trade coming into operation,payment to be made to the Chinese dealers,who conveyed it by swift boats to its no matter whether the opium was imported or not.If the treaty port destination where it came under the cognizance of Plenipotentiary were willing to agree to this proposal Keying the Taotai,but not of the Consul.On one occasion the owners would memorialize the Emperor;but if not,he would drop of the receiving ships at Amoy and Foochow,in dread of piracy, the scheme.1 Pottinger naturally characterized the proposal as had the effrontery to request that their ships be allowed to anchor "utterly impracticable."At the same time he informed Keying inside the harbour,a request which was promptly refused.?In that the British Government was willing to forbid opium to be season and out of season Davis,like Pottinger,urged the legali- brought into Hongkong,or even into Hongkong waters;but that, zation of the trade,as failing strict suppression which the in his opinion,"such a prohibition would only add to the evil of officials were unwilling or unable to enforce,it could only be the present state of things by forcing those vessels that bring by legalization that the evils inseparable from this smuggling opium from India and other distant countries to go at once with trade could be got under control.3 It was more,however,the their full cargoes to the harbours and inner waters of China." need of funds to suppress rebellion than the desire to eradicate If the Chinese authorities would expel such vessels,whether abuses that led finally to the inclusion of opium in the tariff English or not,from the harbours and inner waters,a prohibition attached to the Treaty of Tientsin,and to the legalization of the against bringing opium to Hongkong might do good,but as the trade by Rule 5 of the Rules of Trade appended to that treaty.4 Chinese authorities did not prevent their subjects from buying and consuming opium,shutting the port of Hongkong against S6.The consideration of tariff rates of necessity opium would do more harm than good.?The argument is Tariff currency entailed a decision on the currency in which these rate.Origin specious but unconvincing.Had the experiment been tried and value of rates should be expressed,and how duties should Hongkong would have been poorer,but its reputation would have Haikwan Tael. be paid.At that time China could not be said to been cleaner.Contraband,therefore,the trade remained;but have a standard national currency.There were, in order that there should be no doubt on the matter,Sir Henry Canton assay it is true,copper cash-supposed to contain sixty (July 1843)of Pottinger on 1st August 1843 issued a proclamation warning foreign dollars. per cent copper and forty per cent alloy of zinc, British merchants that opium was not to be regarded as an Premium on lead and tin-'circulating all over the Empire,but sycee and on unenumerated tariff article which.could be imported on a five Carolus dollars. these cash varied in quality and had no uniform per cent ad valorem basis,and that any merchant acting on that exchange value either with the foreign silver assumption did so at his own risk,and would meet with no dollars,which had come in the train of overseas trade,or with support or protection from Her Majesty's Consuls or other the various Chinese silver tael weights,in which all major officers.s That,of course,did not end the matter.The trade business transactions were carried out.Each large trading took on a new lease of life,founding fortunes for the unscrupu- centre had its own recognized silver tael,no two of which cor- lous at the cost of poverty,disease and sorrow to countless responded exactly in weight or fineness.There was then,at thousands of'victims.Opium schoonerg,cutters,and lorchas, each of the five ports to be opened a local tael,used in financing with their headquarters at Hongkong which speedily became the opium depot par excellence,continued to run their cargoes, 1 F.O.228/65:Davis to Palmerston,desp.No.23,20th February,1847; desp.No.52,1st April,1847. 1F.O.228/24;Pottinger to Aberdeen,enclo.No.2,in desp.No.85, 2F.O.228/67:Davis to Palmerston;desp.No.70,1st May,1847. 19th July,1843:B.P.P.Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China, 3 F.O.228/66:Davis to Palmerston;desp.No.70,1st May,1847. 1842-1856,D.6. 4 vide J.K.Fairbank;The Legalization of the Opium Trade before 2F.O.17/68;Pottinger to Aberdeen,desp.No.87;25th July,1843. the Treaties of 1858.Vol.XVII,July,1933 of The Chinese Soeial and B.P.P.Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China,1842-1856,p.9. Political Science Review. s Ch.Rep.Vol.XII;August 1843,p.446.vide Appendix B
24 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY should gua~antee that imports of opium would yield an annual revenue of $3,000,000 and arrange to pay this amount in advance for five years; he was furthermore to guarantee this method of payment for a period of ten years to date from the day of the new system of trade coming into operation, payment to be made no matter whether the opium was imported or not. If the Plenipotentiary were willing to agree to this proposal Keying would memorialize the Emperor; but if not, he would drop the scheme.1 Pottinger naturally characterized the proposal as "utterly impracticable." At the same time he informed Keying that the British Government was willing to forbid opinm to be brought into Hongkong, or even into Hongkong waters; but that, in his opinion, "such a prohibition would only add to the evil. of the present state of things by forcing those vessels that brmg opium from India and other distant countries to go at once with their full cargoes to the harbours and inner waters of China." If the Chinese authorities would expel such vessels, whether English or not, from the harbours and inner waters, a prohibition aO'ainst bringing opium to Hongkong might do good, but as the Chinese authorities did not prevent their subjects from buying and consuming opium, shutting the port of Hongkong against opium would do more harm than goo.d. 2 !he argument. is specious but unconvincing. Had the. experIment been tned Hongkong would have been poorer, but its reputation would have been cleaner. Contraband, therefore, the trade remained; but in order that there should be no doubt on the matter, Sir Henry p'ottinger on 1st August 1843 issued a proclamation warning British merchants that opium was not to be regarded as an unenumerated tariff article which. could be imported on a five . per C'ent ad valorem basis, and that any merchant acting o? that assumption did. ~o at his own risk, and would meet WIth no support or protection from Her Majesty's Consuls. or other officers.3 That, of course, did not end the matter. The trade took on a new lease of liIe, founding for~unes for the unscrupulous at the cost of poverty, disease and sorrow to countless thousands of ·victims. Opium schooners, cutters, and lorchas, with their headquarters' at Hongkong which speedily became the opium depot par excellence, continued to run their cargbes, 1 F 0 228/24' Pottinger to Aberdeen, enclo, No.2, in desp. No. 85, 19th juiy, 1843~' B.P.P. Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China, 1842-1856, p. 6. 2 F.O. 17/68; Pottinger to Aberdeen, desp. No. 87; 25th July, 1843. B.P.P. Papers relating to the Opium Trade in China, 1842-!856, p. 9. S Ck. Rep. Vol. XII; August 1843, p. 446. vide Appendlx B. THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 25 not only to the old stations such as Namoa, Cumsingmoon, Chinchew, and Chinmoo, but also to the outskirts of the treaty ports. Here the foreign opium dealers established receiv" ing ships,l well armed in order to protect their precious freight against piratical attacks. From these ships the drug was sold to the Chinese dealers, who conveyed it by swift boats to its treaty port destination where it came under the cognizance of . the Taotai, but not of the Consul. On one occasion the owners of the receiving ships at Amoy and Foochow, in dread of piracy, had the effrontery to request that their ships be allowed to anchor inside the harbour, a request which was promptly refused. 2 In season and out of season Davis, like Pottinger, urged the legalization of the. trade, as failing strict suppression which the officials were unwilling or unable to enforce, it could only be by legalization that the evils inseparable from this smuggling trade could be got under control.3 . It was more, however, the need of funds· to suppress rebellion than the desire to eradicate abuses that led finally to the inclusion of opium in the tariff attached to the Treaty of Tientsin, and to the legalization of the trade by Rule 5 of the Rules of Trade appended to that treaty.4 §6. The consideration of tariff rates of necessity Tariff currency entailed a decision on the currency in which these rate. Origin and value of rates should be expressed, and how duties should Haikwan Tael. be paid. At that time China could not be said to Duty-paying cuneneies. have a standard national currency. There were, Canton assay it is true, copper cash-supposed to contain sixty (July 1843) of d . foreign dollars. per cent copper an forty per cent alloy of ZInC, Premium on lead and tin---.!circulating all over the Empire, but sycee and on th h' d . j't d h d 'f Carolus dollars. ese cas vane In qua 1 y an a no um orm exchange va.lue either with the foreign silver dollars, which had come in the .train of overseas trade, or with the various Chinese silver tael weights, in which all major business transactions were carried out. Each large trading' centre had its own recognized silver tael, no two of which corresponded ~xactly in weight or fineness. There was then, at each of the five ports to be opened a local tael, used iIi financing 1 F.O. 228/65: Davis to±'almerston, desp. No. 23, 20th February, 1847; desp. No. 52, 1st April, 1847. 2F.O. 228/67, Davis to Palmerston; desp. No. 70, 1st May, 1847. 3 F.O. 228/66, Davis to Palmerston; desp. No. 70, 1st May, 1847 .. 4 vide J. K. Fairbank; The Legalization of the Opium Trade beloTe the Treaties of 1858. Vol. XVII, July, 1933 of The Chinese Social and Political Science Review
THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 27 26 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY and as there was no coin or tael ingot in actual currency which wholesale transactions and circulating as irgots usually in the could satisfy this requirement it was essential that a standard shape of "shoes"of about fifty taels weight apiece.As these should be established,adherence to which would yield the Govern- "shoes"were not only of varying weight but also varying fine- ment its rightful due.1 The upshot was the creating of a new ness,it was necessary after they had come from the founder's standard,a tael of account in which at all five ports Customs mould,and before they could pass current,that they should be duties should be assessed,and the pure silver value of which tested by the Public Assay Office or Kung Ku Chu(公估局)in should be clearly established in comparison with local taels and order that the exact weight and fineness of each "shoe"might foreign dollar coins.Now,according to general usage in com- be inscribed on it.At Canton at this time Customs duties were mercial transactions 100 Chinese catties had been for long taken assessed in taels,and were actually paid either in silver ingots as equivalent to 138%pounds avoirdupois,2 and as there are or in foreign silver dollars by weight,such ingots or dollars being 16 taels,or Chinese ounces,to a catty and 16 ounces avoirdupois accer ced according to their actual silver content.The tael in to a pound,it follows that a tael is equal in weight to one and use for such payments was that which had been agreed upon in a third ounce avoirdupois,which is the equivalent of 583.20 the seventies of the eighteenth century between the East India grains troy.This was the weight assigned to the new money Company's supercargoes and the co-hong.It was a weight said to be equivalent to 579.841 grains of pure silver,and was there- "the Amoy standard with that already laid down at Canton,you had "arranged with the local Mandarins for the adoption of the latter at fore four grains heavier than the K'uping(庫平)，or Treasury, "Amoy,on condition that one tael five mace should be allowed on every tael,a money of account supposed to be 1,000 fine with the theore- "100 taels of sycee silver for refining expenses under the following Mace tic weight of 575.8 grains.Before a revenue remittance could "Charcoal “Wages of tw0mn be made to Peking of the four-tenths of the collection hypothecat- "Saltpetre,stc. ed for the Central Government these taels and dollars had to be “House expenses melted down and the alloy removed so as to produce theoretically 15 “Byth每rangemont, pure silver or sycee,which was then remoulded into bars or shoes T.m.e.e. "Rupees weighing of specified weight for transmission to Peking.The remaining 102.7..0 "Peruvian dollara weighing 111,4.55 six-tenths,allowed by the Central Government to be retained for "Mexican 9.0.0 112 provincial purposes were also nominally melted down.In any 'Chilian "Chopped case the duty payer was invariably charged a fee to cover the "are to be considered respectively equal to 100 taels weight of sycee cost of meltage,and as this fee appeared to be one of those "silver in all cases where the Imperial duties may be paid in any of "the above named coins. undesirable accretions with which the Imperial tariff was "The charge for refining at Canton is one tael two mace on every burdened,its retention as a recognized fee was objected to.?The "100 taels of sycee and the difference is so trifing that I readily Imperial Commissioners,however,pointed out that this fee was "sanetion your arrangement. "A copy of this letter will be published for general information. charged to enable the Government to receive simply what it was I have,ete., entitled to receive,namely so and so many taels of pure silver, HENRY POTTINGER." 1 Syeee:Weight,Value,Touch.Customs Papers No.47.Shanghai B.P.P.Orders,Ordinances,Rules and Regulations concerning the Trade 1896,pp.2,30,85. in China,1847,p.23.F.O.228/31.Gribble to Pottinger,desp.No.25. 9th March,1844,reports arrangements completed with authorities for 2 No clause calling for its abolition was inserted in any of the treaties or regulations drawn up in the eighteen forties.The stipulation for its payment of duties. 1 General Regulation VIII,forming part of the Treaty of Hoomunchai abolition appears first in the British and French trade regulations (No.9) stipulated-"In the paying of these duties different kinds of foreign money annexed to the Treaties of Tientsin.That Sir Henry Pottinger acquiesced in the levy of this meltage fee is proved by his letter of 3rd December,1848 may be made use of,but as foreign money is not of equal purity with sycee silver,the English Consuls appointed to the different ports will according to Consul Henry Gribble at Amoy.This letter reads:- to time,place and circumstances,arrange with the Superintendent of onour to acknowledge the receipt of vor Customs at each port what coins may be taken in payment and what per "of the 13th of last month submitting the result of an investigation centage may be necessary to make them equal to standard or pure silver." Article XVIII of the French Treaty of Whampoa was to the same effect. "into the curreney at Amoy,and stating that the outturn of the "different coins which had been assayed there averaged one tael and 2 This practice was not confirmed by treaty till the promulgation of the Rules of Trade appended to the Treaty of Tientsin,1858;vide Rule 4. "seven mace less than at Canton;but that being anxious to assimilate
26 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY wholesale transactions and circulating as ir.gots usually in the shape of "shoes" of about fifty taels weight apiece. As these "shoes" were not only of varying weight but also varying fineness, it was necessary after they had come from the founder's mould, and before they could pass current, that they should be tested by the Public. Assay Office or Kung Ku Chu <* ili Y"j) in order that the exact weight and fineness of each "shoe" might be inscribed on it. At Canton at this time Customs duties were assessed in taels, and were actually paid either in silver ingots or in foreign silver dollars by weight, such ingots or dollars being accej: ~ed according to their actual silver content. The tael in use for such payments was that which had been agreed upon in the seventies of the eighteenth century between the East India Co_mpany's supercargoes and the co-hong. It was a weight said to be eqUlvalent to 579.841 grains of pure silver, and was therefore four grains heavier than the K'uping (hli "p), or Treasury, tael, a money of account supposed to be 1,000 fine with the theoretic weight of 575.8 grains. ,Before a revenue remittance could be. made to-Peking of the four-tenths of the collection hypothecated for the Central Government these taels and dollars had to be melted down and the alloy removed so as to produce theoretically· pure silver or sycee, which was then remoulded into bars or shoes of specified weight for transmission to Peking. The remaining six-tenths, allowed by the Central Government to be retained for provincial purposes were also nominally melted down. In any case the duty payer was invariably charged a fee to cover the cost of meltage, and as this fee appeared to be one of those undesirable accretions with which the Imperial tariff was burdened, its retention as a recognized fee was objected to.2 The Imperial Commissioners, however, pointed out that this fee was charged to enable the Government to receive simply what it was entitled to receive, namely so and so many taels of pure silver, 1 Sycee: Weight, Value, Touch. Customs Papers No. 47. Shanghai 1896, pp. 2, 30, 35. 2 No clause calling for its abolition was inserted in any of the treaties or regulations drawn up in the eighteen forties. The stipulation for its abolition appears first in the British and French trade regulations (No.9) annexed to the Treaties of Tientsin. That Sir Henry Pottinger acquiesced in the levy of this meltage fee is prO'Ved by his letter of 3rd December, 1843 to Consul HenryGribble at Amoy. This letter reads:- "Sir~ "I have the honour to acknowledO'c the receipt of your letter No.3 "of the 13th of last month submitting the result of an investigation "into the currency at Amoy, and stating that the outturn of the "different coins which had been assayed there averaged one tael and "se,en mace less than at Canton; but that being anxious to assimilate THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 27 and as there was .no coin or tael ingot in actual currency which could satisfy this requirement it was essential that a standard should be established, adherence to which would yield the Government its rightful due.1 The upshot was the creating of a new standard, a tael of account in which at all five ports Customs duties should be assessed, and the pure silver value of which should be clearly established in comparison with local taels and foreign dollar coins. Now, according to general usage in commercial transactions 100 Chinese catties had been for long taken as equivalent to 133% pounds avoirdupois,2 and as there are 16 taels, or Chinese ounces, to a catty and 16 ounces avoirdupois to a pound, it follows that a tael is equal in weight to one and a third ounce avoirdupois, which is the equivalent of 583.20 grains troy. This was the weight assigned to the new money "the Amoy standard with that already laid down at Canton, you had "arranged with the local Mandarins for the adoption of the latter at "Amoy, on condition that one tael five mace should be allowed on every "100 taels of sycee silver for refining expenses. under the following "Charcoal "Wages of two men "Saltpetre, etc. "House expenses HBy this iftrangement, Mace 6 6 3 1 15 T. m.e. c. "Rupees weighing 109. 7. 9. 0 "Peruvian dollars weighing 111. 4. 5. 5 "Mexican 111. 9, O. 0 "Bolivian 112. 1. 5. 0 "Chilian 112. 5. 2. 0 "Chopped " " 113. 2. O. 7 "are to be considered respectively equal to 100 taels weight of sycee "silver in all cases where the Imperial duties may be paid in any of "the above named coins. "The charge for refining at Canton is one tael two mace on every "100 taels of sycee and the difference is so trifling that I readily "sanction your arrangement. "A copy of this letter ;Will be published for general information. I have, etc., HENRY POTTINGER." B.P,P. Orders, Ordinances, Rules and Regulations concerning the Trade in China, 1847, p, 23. F.O. 228/31. Gribble. to Pottinger, desp. No. 25· 9th March, l844, reports arrangtlments completed with authorities for payment of duties. . 1 General Regulation VIII, forming part of the Treaty of Hoomunchal stipulated-urn the paying of these duties different kinds of foreign money may be made use of, but 8.S forei'!pl money is n~t of equal punt? with sY,cee silver the English ConsU'ls appomted to the dIfferent ports Will accordmg t.o ti~e, place and circumstances, arrange with the Superintendent of Customs at each port what coins may be taken in payment and what percentage tnay be necessary to make them equal to standard or pure silver." Article XVIII of the French Treaty of Whampoa was to the same effect. 2 This practice was not confirmed by treaty till the promufgation of the Rules of Trade appended to the Treaty of Tientsin, 1858; vide Rule 4
28 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 29 of account,,the kuan p'ng.liang(關平雨)or Customs tael and premium varied according to the supply of dollars in the market, as duties were payable to the Government in pure silver,the and that supply was influenced not only by commercial demands Customs banker in receiving such duties was technically bound but also by the requirements of the provincial treasury.Spanish to demand for every tael due 583.20 grains of silver 1,000 fine. Carolus and Ferdinand dollars were also in circulation,but as That was the theory,but in actual practice there were divergen- these enjoyed a privileged standing,based on popular prejudice cies..Article IX of the general regulations forming part of the and not on their intrinsic silver value,they would appear,at supplementary Treaty of Hoomunchai stipulated that "sets of any rate at Canton,to have been reserved for other purposes money weights prepared in exact conformity to those hitherto than the payment of Customs duties.To establish authorita- in use at the Custom House of Canton and duly stamped and tively the relation between these various kinds of dollars and sealed in proof thereof"were to be kept by the Superintendent the Customs tael it was necessary that an assay should be held in of Customs as well as by the British Consul at each of the five the presence of the British representatives.This was carried ports,and that "these shall be the standards by which all duties out on 13th July 1843 at the Spanish factory by the Kwang shall be charged,and all sums paid to the Government".In accor- Heng Bank,when rupees,Peruvian,Mexican;Bolivian,Chilean, dance with this stipulation sets of carefully cast and tested and chopped dollars in fixed quantities for each coinage brass weights were sent to each of the ports,and the comparing were first weighed,then melted down separately,the.alloy of these with the troy weights belonging to foreign banking removed,and the resultant fine silver cast into sycee ingots,each establishments showed that the troy equivalence of the Haikwan ingot thus representing the pure silver content of the specified tael varied from grains 581.47.to.grains 589.1 But whatever quantity of the coinage concerned.The weight of each fine silver the actual weight may have been,each port was required to ingot was then ascertained,and from this was calculated (a)the accept the Haikwan tael weight sent from Canton as the standard value of 100 taels weight of each coin (b)the difference between weight by which payments of duty were to be tested.Having 100 taels weight of coin and sycee,and (c)the amount in weight reached a conclusion-sufficiently definite to be applicable-on of each coinage to be paid to equal 100 taels of pure sycee. the matter of the weight and fineness of the tael in which Customs duties were to be paid,thereby establishing a standard 1 Assay of Foreign Coins by the Shroff or Native Banking House, Kwang Heng,which took place at the Spanish Factory (Messrs.Turner by which the various local taels when used for duty payments Co.'s Hong)Canton on the day,and in the presence of the persone could be tested,the Imperial Commissioners and the British hereinafter speeified. negotiators turned their attention to deciding what foreign dollar Asa罗Of Aa组罗O the Asaay ol A别y01 coins might be accepted in settlement of Customs duties,and to Dollsrs money drawing up a scale showing the relationship of each variety of Weighed these dollars to pure silver.At that time Indian rupees,and before 罩6g Peruvian,Mexican,Bolivian,and Chilean whole or clean dollars, as well as broken,or chopped dollars of these varieties,were 5.6.5.03.2.3.0 3.1.0.53.2.1.03.10.58.1.8,0 received by weight by the Customs bank in settlement of duties Loss of welght 0.5.5.80.8.7.0 0.88.00.3.9.00.4.0.00,4.20 with the addition of a premium to make them up to sycee or pure g1.0.8.589.7.2.2 89.&.T.1.1..7 88.&7.0 8.8.3,4 silver standard tsu se wen yir(足色铰银).In practice this 89,1.510.2.7.7 10.6,2.9 10,8.3.811.1.8,0 11,8.6.6 1 Sycee:Weight,Value,Touch.Customs Papers No.47.Shanghai, 晚.gu46 1896；pp.22-23. 111.9.0.0112.1.5:0112.5.2.0118.2.0.7 Reports on the Haikwan Banking System,and Local Currency.at the .B.-1.These monies were weighed by che Shroffs weights.apd the Hoppo'a weights are Treaty Ports;Customs Papers No.12,Shanghai;1879;p.100. 2. w and Currenoy,Weights,and Measures in China,Customs Papers No.84; oure slver be the expense of melting,re-melting,ete.,ete.I tael 2 mace per 1906:p.49. Actual weighing tests of the Haikwan tael weights carried out at various times and at various ports yielded the following as the troy equivalent of the m,股达"dRp Haikwan tael--gr8.681.47,58155,581.83,582.93,586.13,58786and589. ROBERT THOM, CAPT.G.BALFOUR. Asst.Trana.and Interpreter to H.M.'a Comm.in China
/ 28 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY of account, the kuan p'ingliang ( IJM 4i JiI9) or Customs taeI and as duties were payable to' the Government in pure silver, the Customs banker in receiving such duties was technically bound to demand for every tael due 583.20 grains of silver 1,000 fine. That was the theory, but in actual practice there were divergencies., Article IX of the general regulations forming part of the supplementary Treaty of Hoomunchai stipulated that "sets o£ money weights prepared in exact conformity to those hitherto in use at the. Custom House of Canton and duly stamped and sealed in proof thereof" were to be kept by the Superintendent of Customs as well as by the British Consul at each 'Of the five ports, and that "these shall be the standards by which all duties shall be charged, and all sums paid to the Government". In accor-. dance with this stipulation sets of carefully cast and tested brass weights were sent to each of the ports, and the comparing of these with the troy weights belonging to foreign banking establishments showed that the troy equivalence of the Haikwan tael varied from grains 581.47. to. grains 589. 1 But whatever the actual weight may have 'been, each port was required to accept the Haikwan tael weight sent from Canton as the standard weight by which payments of duty were to be tested, Having reached a conclusion-sufficiently definite to be applicable-on the matter of the weight and fineness of the tael in which Customs duties were to be paid, thereby establishing a standard by wHich the various local taels when used for duty payments could be tested, the Imperial Commissioners and the British negotiators turned their attention to deciding what foreign dollar coins might be accepted in settlement of Customs duties . and to drawing up a scale shoWing the relationship of each va~iety of these dollars to pure silver. At that time Indian rupees, and Peruvian, Mexican, Bolivian, and Chilean whole or clean dollars, as well as broken, or chopped dollars of these varieties, were received by weight by the CJlstoms bank in settlement of duties with the addition of a premium to make them up to sycee or pure silver standard t$U 8e wen yin (JE '@. *t:it). In practice this lSycee: Weight, Value, Touch. Cu-toms Papers No. 47. Shanghai, 1896; pp. 22-23. Reports on the Haikwan Banking' System,and Local Currency. at the 'Treaty Ports; Customs Papers No. 12, Shanghai; 1879; p. 100. Currency, Weights, and Measures in China, Customs Papers No. 84; 1906; p. 49. . Actual weigh~ng tests of .the Haikwan tael weights carried out at various tlIll;es and at varIOUs ports Yielded the following as the troy equivalent of the Halkwan tael-grs. 581.47, 581.55, 581.83, 582.93, 586.13, 587:66 and 589. THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 29 premium varied according to the supply of dollars in the market, and that supply was influenced not only by commercial demands but also by the requirements of the provincial treasury. Spanish Carolus and Ferdinand dollars were also in circulation, but as these enjoyed a privileged standing; based on popular prejudice and not on their intrinsic silver value, they would appear, at any rate at Canton, to have been reserved for other purposes than the payment of Customs duties. To establish authoritatively the relation between these various kinds of dolla'i:s and the Customs tael it was necessary that an assay should be held in the presence of the British representatives. This was carried out on 13th July 1843 at the Spanish factory by the Kwang Heng Bank, when rUpees, Peruvian, Mexican; Bolivian, Chilean, and chopped dollars in fixed quantities for each coinage were first weighed, then melted down separately,the. alloy removed, and the resultant fine silver east into sycee ingots, each ingot thus representing the pure silver content of the specified. quantity of the coinage concerned. The weight of each fine silver ingot was then ascertained, and from this was calculated (a) the value of 100 taels weight of each coin (b) the difference between 100taels weight of coin and sycee, and (c) the amount in weight of each coinage to be paid to equal 100 taels of pure sycee.l . 1 Assay of Foreign Coins by the Shroff or Native Banking House, Kwang Heng, which took place at the Spanish Factory (Messrs. Turner & Co.'s Hong) Canton on the day, and in the presence of the persono hereinafter- specified. Assay of Assay of Assay of Assay of Assay of Assay of Process of • 5 new 5 new 5 new 5 new the Assay 20 n~w p'eruvian Mexican Bolivian Chilean 5 Dollars Rupees Dollars Dollars Dollars Dollars cut money Weighed befo~re ~ m.c. e. ';!:.~ 1n.C. c. ';!:.' m.c. c 'oi'm.e,c9 rlt'm.e.c, 'F m.c. c. melting . 6.2. 0.3 3_ 6. O. 0 3.5.7.5 3_'6. O. 0 3.5.9.5 3.6. O. 0 Weiv.hed after melt- ing, remelting and cast into a shoe of Sycee 5.6.5.0 3.2.3.0 3. 1. 9. 5 3.2. L 0 3.1. 9. 5 3.1. 8. 0 - ------ ----- --------- Loss of weight 0.5.5.3 0.3.7.0 0.3.8.0 0.3.9.0 0.4. O. 0 0.4.2.0 ------- Value of 100 taels weight of each coin 91. O. 8. 5 89.7.2.2% 8~.3.7.1 89. 1. 6. 7 88.8.7.0 bB. 3. 3. 4 Difference between 100 tael~- weight of coin and Sycee 8.9. L 5 10.2.7.7y" 10. 6.2,9 10.8.3.3 11.1.3.0 11. 6. 6. 6 Amount of coin tobe paid to equal 100 taels of pure Sycee 109.7.9.9 111. 4. 5. 5 111. 9. O. 0 112.1. 5: 0 112.5. 2. 0 11~. 2. o. 7 '~!.B.-1. These monies were weighed by the Shroff' at weights, aniJ. the Hoppo's weights are 4 ma~e I} candareens per TIs. 100., or 1h per 'cent heavier very nearly. 2, In addition to the above which merely shows the difference -between the money and PJll'e silver will be the expense of melting, re-melting, etc., etc., 1 tae} 2 mace per TIs. 100 or 1 % Rer cent. Taoukwang, 23rd year, 6th moon, 16th day (13,;h July 1843). In the pr~sence of 'i'seen Yenee,. an officer of the 5th Rank, attached to the Imperial Commissioners Keying, and He Wanhway, Treasurer to the Grand Hoppo of Canton Wan Fang. CAPT. G. BALFOUR. ROBERT THOM, . Asst_ Trans. and Interpreter to H.Mo'8 Comnt. in China
31 30 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF With the results of this assay,and with the tested sets three".1 Questions of weight and fineness,however,had no connect- of weights sent out by Canton the Customs banks at the ports tion with problems of supply,nor with the speculations of bankers had sufficient to enable them,if they so desired,to maintain an and assayers,and merchants soon found that the purchase of approximate standard of uniformity for the receipt of duties. sycee wherewith to liquidate duties called for the payment of a Whether these standard weights were consistently employed at premium.At Canton,for instance,in 1845 this premium stood each of the Customs banks,and how far the dollar/tael equiva- at from 3 to 6 per cent,in 1846 from 8 to 9 per cent,and in 1848 lences established by the Canton assay'were observed by these from 7 to 10 per cent,while in Shanghai during 1874 the average banks is another matter.The British Consuls,however,at premium was 3 per cent.2 Dollars too were subject to premium the various ports made it quite clear to the local merchants that or discount due not simply to local market conditions,but also at the rates established by the Canton assay were binding.At times to popular fancy for or against a particular coinage.The Foochow the fourth of the local regulations of trade,issued on Carolus dollar,for instance in Canton stood at times during the 26th April 1845 by Consul Rutherford Alcock stipulated that forties at a premium of 12 per cents above the Mexican although "Payment of duties may be made either in sycee or coined money weight and fineness of silver content was in favour of the latter: at the rates already established at Canton".The eighth of the in the early fifties a strong agitation was set on foot to relieve Amoy regulations,published in October 1844,likewise stipulated the monetary stringency by forcing the acceptance of Republican that the Canton assay was to be enforced,2 while Consuls Robert dollars at par with Spanish,and on 12th October 1858,in reply Thom and Captain George Balfour at Ningpos and Shanghait to urgent representations from the silk merchants and others, respectively,both of whom had taken part in the making of the Viceroy Yeh decreed that it was "permitted to use New Dollars assay,saw to it that British merchants and Customs banks alike at par with the Old in payment of Customs duties,salt taxes and were expected to observe the findings of that assay.As a matter every description of state revenue".5 In the same year at of historical fact we know that they were not observed,so that Shanghai British merchants certified that during the year the by 1858,when the Treaty of Tientsin came to be negotiated,Lord Mexican dollar had been at a discount of from 18 to 25 per cent,s Elgin and his advisers-among whom were some who had while in 1857,when Shanghai's trading currency was changed intimate personal knowledge of Customs banks and their ways- from dollars to taels,the premium on the Carolus dollar stood as saw fit to insert a clause,Article XXXIII,to the effect that high as forty per cent above the Mexican.?In the same year at "duties shall be paid to the banker authorized by the Chinese Government to receive the same in its behalf.either in sycee or .1 Other assays were made from time to time.One carried out at Shanghai in 1855 yielded the following result for the amount of coin to be paid in in foreign money,according to the assay made at Canton on weight to equal 100 taels sycee-Mexican Dollars Tls.112.1.1.0;Peruvian the thirteenth of July one thousand eight hundred and forty Tls.111.9.5.7,Bolivian Tls.111.2.5.5;Carolus Tls.110.6.2.2;Rupees Tls.110.7.2.0 and French 5 franc pieces .Tls.118.1.5.0.The Chinese Commercial Guide,5th ed.,p.176.A second carried out in Canton on 13th March 1872 of new Mexican Dollars,declared to be 90 fine,showed that $153.6366 were required to furnish 100 taels of.sycee C.A.:I.G.Circ. 1 B.P.P.Orders,Ordinances,Rules and Regulations concerning the No.48 of 1875;(Chinese Enclosure No.3). Trade in China,1847,p.43. 2 B.P.P.Returns of the Trade of the various Ports of China for the 2Ibd,p.35. Y8ar81847and1848,1849,pp.18;39:81. 3 Ningpo British Consular Circular No.8,dated 13th January,1844 reads 3 S.Wells Williams:The Chinese Commereial Guide,5th ed.1863,p.268. as follows:-"Duties will be received in pure sycee silver 98 to 100 touch 4F.O.228/23:Pottinger to Aberdeen,desp.No.45,6th May,1843. Custom House weight,with the addition of one tael two mace per hundred Enclo.No.2 to this desp.gives the result of an essay carried out at Bombay taels,expenses for remelting as at Canton;or if the duties be paid in on 17th November,1842,showing that 100 new Mexican (or Republican) foreign money,the said foreign money will be put through the crucible dollars yielded in pure silver Tolas 207.3970 as compared with Tolas 206.3571 for just so much pure silver as it yields,with the addition of T.1.m.2. for 100 Spanish,and that the net return in Company's rupees was 221.727 per 100 Taels for remelting as above. for the former,and 220.604 for the latter. 4 F.O.228/43:Shanghai,desp.No.87,26th December,1844,encloses Public Documents relating to the Admission into Circulation of British Consular Circular No.35,dated 25th December,1844,to the effect- Republican Dollars at par with Spanish as decreed by the High Chinese "The regulations in foree at Canton and Amoy of paying 1 tael and 2 mace Authorities at Canton.Canton,1853,p.17. for melting expenses on every 100 taels of duties and dues,leviable by the 6 F.O.228/162:Alcock to Bonham;desp.No.102,28th December,1858. Chinese Government,are now established at this Port." 7 S.Wells Williams:The Chinese Commercial Guide,5th ed.1863,p.198
30 CHINA'S STRUGGLE FOR TARIFF AUTONOMY With the results of this assay, and with the tested sets of weights sent out by Canton the Customs banks at the ports had sufficient to enable them, if they so desired, to maintain an approximate standard of uniformity for the receipt of duties. Whether these standard weights were consistently employed at each of the Customs banks, and how far the dollar/tael equivalences established by the Canton assay . were observed by these banks is another matter. The British Consuls, however, at the various ports made it quite clear to the local mer-chants that the rates i\stablished by the Canton assay were binding. At Foochow the fourth of the local regulations of trade, issued on 26th April 1845 by Consul Rutherford Alcock stipulated that' "Payment of duties may be made either in sycee or coined money at the rates already established at Cant9n",1 The eighth of the Amoy regulations, published in October 1844, likewise stipulated that the Canton assay was to be enforced,2 while Consuls Robert Thorn and Captain George Balfour at Ningpo3 and Shanghai4 respectively, both of whom had taken part in the making of the assay, saw to it that British merchants 'and Customs banks alike were expected to observe the findings of that assay. As a matter of historical fact we know that they were not observed, so that by 1858, when the Treaty of Tientsin came to be negotiated, Lord Elgin and his advisers-among whom were some who had intimate personal knowledge of Customs banks and their wayssaw fit to insert a clause, Article XXXIII, to the effect that "duties shall he paid to the banker authorized by the: Chinese Government to receive the same in its behalf either in sycee or in foreign money, according to the assay made at Canton on the thirteenth of July one thousand eight hundred and forty 1 B.P.P. Orders, Ordinances, Rules and Regulations concerning the Trade in China, 1847, p. 43. 2 Ibid" p. 35. 3 Ningpo British Consular Circular No.8, dated 13th January, 1844 reads as follows :-"Duties will be received in pure eyeee silver' 98 to 100 touch Custom House weight, with the addition of one tael two mace per hundred taels, expenses for remelting as at Canton; or if the duties be paid in foreign money, the said foreign money will be put through the cruciblefor just so much pure silver as it yields, with the addition of T. L m .. 2. per 100 Taels for remelting as above. 4 F.O. 228/43: Shanghai, desp. No. 8'1, 26th December, 1844, encloses British Consular Circular No. 35, dated 25th December, 1844, to the efl'ect- "The regulations in force at Canton and Amoy of paying 1 tael and 2 mace for melting expenses on every 100 taels of dut.ies and dues, leviable by the Chinese Government, are now established at this Port." THE FIVE PER CENT AD VALOREM TREATY TARIFF 31 three".1 Questions of weight and fineness, however, had no connecttion with problems of supply, nor with the speculations of bankers and assayers, and merchants soon found that the purchase of sycee wherewith to liquidate duties called for the payment of a premium. At Canton, for instance, in 1845 this premiu~ stood at from 3 to6 per cent, in 1846 from 8 to 9 per cent, and In 1848 from 7 to 10 per cent, while in Shanghai.during 1874 the average premium was 31;2 per cent.2 Dollars too were s~b~ect to premium or discount due not simply to local market condItions, but also at times to popular fancy for or against a particular coinage. The Carolus dollar, for instance in Canton stood at times during the forties ata premium of 12 per cent3 above the Mexican although weight and fineness of silver content was in favour of the latt?r:4 in the early fifties a strong agitation was seton foot to rel~eve the monetary stringency by forcing the acceptance of Republ1can dollars at par with Spanish, and on 12th October 1853, in reply to urgent. representations from the silk merchants and others, Viceroy Yeh decreed that it was "permitted to use New Dollars at par with the Old in payment of Customs duties, salt taxes and every description of state revenue",5 In the same year at Shanghai British merchants certified that during the year the Mexican doliar had been at a discount of from 18 to 25 per cent,S while in 1857, when Shanghai's trading currency was changed from dollars to taels, the premium on the Carolus dollar stood as . high as forty per cent above the Mexican.7 In the same year at . .1 Other assays were made from time to time. One carried. out at Sha~gh:"i . 1855 yielded the following result for the amount of com to he paId. 111 ~eight to equal 100 taels sycee-Mexican Dollars TIs. 112.1.1.0; .Peruvlan Tis. 111.9.5.7, Bolivian TIs. 111.2.5.5; Carolus TIs. 110.6.2.2, Ruyees TIs. 110.7.2.0 and French 5 franc pieces .Tls. 1~3.1.5.0. . The Ch.nese Commercial G1dde, 5th ed., p. 176. A second car ned . out m Canton on 13th March 1872 of new Mexican Dollars, declared to be 90 fine, shov:ed that $153.6366 were required to furnish 100 taels of sycee C.A.: I.G. Circ. No. 48 of 1875; (Chinese Enclosure No.3). . 2 B.P.P. Retu.rns of the Trade of the va.riouB Ports of Chma for the Years 1847 and 1848,1849, pp. 18; 39; 81. 3 S. Wells Williams: The Chinese Commercial Guide, 5th ed. 1863, p. 268. 4 F.O. 228/23: Pottinger to Aberdeen, desp. No. 45 .. 6th May, 1843. Enclo. No.2 to this desp. gives the result of an essay c.arned out at Bo~bay on 17th November, 1842, showing that 100 new MeXIcan. (or Rep~bhcan) dollars yielded in pure silver Tolas 207.3970 as compared WIth Tolas 206.3571 for 100 Spanish, and that the net ret.urn in Company's rupees was 221.727 for the former, and 220.604 for the latter. .. . . . 5 Public Documents relating to the Admts8wn mto C,,·~u.latw,,!, of Rep';bli~an Dollan at p(JJr. with Spanish as decreed by the Htgh Chme.e Authorities at Canton. Canton, 1853, p.17. 6 F .0. 228/162: Alcock to Bonham; desp. No. 102, 28th December, 1853. 7 S. Wells Williams: The Chinese Commer'cial Guide, 5th ed. 1863, p. 198