HELENE FOLEY Aeschylus' Eumenides(305-89). The Furies in Eumenides( vit Aesch. 9), as well as the choruses of Aeschylus' Seven against Thebes and Sophocles Oedipus Coloneus, enter one by one rather than in ordered grou The only two vases possibly associated with the representation of choral military garb in rectangular formation(the Attic column krater in the Anti kenmuseum, Basel, Basel B5 415)and another group of women in a row, each in a separate pose(the calyx krater from Altamura, British Museum E467). Ranks of dancers in rectangular formation may well have served dances associated with military themes(the Basel krater), but not, at least not consistently, the movement of, for example, female choral dancers(the have created a visible tension between familiar traditional dance forms and a new generically tragic form that ran counter to cultural identity as ex pressed in earlier dance. Hence, in my view, David Wiles argues plausibly that dance may have evolved over the fifth and fourth centuries toward a greater emphasis on frontal performance(rectangular versus circular), and that the emphasis on rectangular and more uniform formations in the later sources may reflect the increasing detachment of the chorus from the action from the fourth century onwards. 4 Finally, even if, as I doubt, the dancers generally moved in rectangular formation and from right to left as the late sources suggest(although this same movement could also occur around an altar), the hand gestures(cheironomia) and poses(schemata) to which ancient sources refer as critical components of dance could be used to char- acterize one group of dancers as opposed to another. 43 Ancient dance move- ments linked with lament or maenadic (or satyric)dancing, to say nothing of the use of staffs for old men, are some of those that we can extrapolate from the texts themselves. In addition, early tragic dance was famous for its great variety of figures. Hence it seems far more likely to me that choral movement, especially in the fifth century, was not uniform even in the most basic sense, but was in some way related to choral identity, and that tragic dance could be gendered or character related (or variously conditioned by and related to specific music, song forms such as paeans, and meter that may have particular associations with gender, age groups, or other cultural identities) in the same way as song, gesture, and voice. As Plato argues at Laws 669c concerning a similar issue about (ideal) choral performance, the Muses would never blunder so far as to assign a feminine tune and ges- tures to verses composed for men, or to fit rhythms of captives and slaves to a tune and gestures framed for free men, or conversely, after constructing 40. See further Davidson 1986a, 41-43: Rehm 1996: and Scully 1996 may not represent a tragic chorus. Satyr and female chore 22m82H计:1hh 732f on Phrynichus'own view of the role of dance in his own oeuvre (TGF 3TT13)and Ath. 21e-22a on Aeschylu This content downloaded from 145.97 173 155 on Wed. 01 Feb 2017 10: 50- 30 UT Allusesubjecttohttp://aboutjstor.org/terms
10 Helene Foley Aeschylus’ Eumenides (305–89).40 The Furies in Eumenides (Vit. Aesch. 9), as well as the choruses of Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes and Sophocles’ Oedipus Coloneus, enter one by one rather than in ordered groups. The only two vases possibly associated with the representation of choral performance in tragedy show one choral group of six figures dressed in military garb in rectangular formation (the Attic column krater in the Antikenmuseum, Basel, Basel B5 415) and another group of women in a row, each in a separate pose (the calyx krater from Altamura, British Museum E467). Ranks of dancers in rectangular formation may well have served dances associated with military themes (the Basel krater), but not, at least not consistently, the movement of, for example, female choral dancers (the Altamura krater).41 Indeed, rigid adherence to a rectangular formation might have created a visible tension between familiar traditional dance forms and a new generically tragic form that ran counter to cultural identity as expressed in earlier dance. Hence, in my view, David Wiles argues plausibly that dance may have evolved over the fifth and fourth centuries toward a greater emphasis on frontal performance (rectangular versus circular), and that the emphasis on rectangular and more uniform formations in the later sources may reflect the increasing detachment of the chorus from the action from the fourth century onwards.42 Finally, even if, as I doubt, the dancers generally moved in rectangular formation and from right to left as the late sources suggest (although this same movement could also occur around an altar), the hand gestures (cheironomia) and poses (schemata) to which ancient sources refer as critical components of dance could be used to characterize one group of dancers as opposed to another.43 Ancient dance movements linked with lament or maenadic (or satyric) dancing, to say nothing of the use of staffs for old men, are some of those that we can extrapolate from the texts themselves. In addition, early tragic dance was famous for its great variety of figures.44 Hence it seems far more likely to me that choral movement, especially in the fifth century, was not uniform even in the most basic sense, but was in some way related to choral identity, and that tragic dance could be gendered or character related (or variously conditioned by and related to specific music, song forms such as paeans, and meter that may have particular associations with gender, age groups, or other cultural identities) in the same way as song, gesture, and voice. As Plato argues at Laws 669c concerning a similar issue about (ideal) choral performance, “the Muses would never blunder so far as to assign a feminine tune and gestures to verses composed for men, or to fit rhythms of captives and slaves to a tune and gestures framed for free men, or conversely, after constructing 40. See further Davidson 1986a, 41–43; Rehm 1996; and Scully 1996. 41. The vase may not represent a tragic chorus. Satyr and female choreuts have curiously similar gestures on the Altamura krater. 42. Wiles 1997, 96, and 2000, 134. The twelve-person chorus would in his view (2000, 133) have looked instead to an actor for choral leadership, whereas the fifteen-person chorus had a centrally placed choral leader. 43. See Lawler 1964, 12, 23, 25–27, 72, 82, 83, 87, 114, 128, 133, and 139. For full bibliography on ancient dance and a discussion of methodology, see Naerebout 1997. 44. See Plut. Quaest. conv. 732f on Phrynichus’ own view of the role of dance in his own oeuvre (TGF 3 T T13) and Ath. 21e–22a on Aeschylus. This content downloaded from 145.97.173.155 on Wed, 01 Feb 2017 10:50:30 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
CHORAL IDENTITY the rhythms and gestures of free men, to assign the rhythms a tune or verses of an opposite style." Finally, the symbolic leadership that the choregos exercised over his cho- rus may also have helped to shape its identity as an undifferentiated group of people who are generally not representative of the core theater audience. b As noted above, choregoi developed an important and intimate patronage relation with their choreuts during the selection, rehearsal, and performance process, especially if, as was at least occasionally the case, they were di rectly involved in supervising their training. The role of chorus leader, or coryphaios, was clearly critical to the success of the chorus: as Demos thenes says, in a passage where he is clearly emphasizing the superiority of choregos and/or corypl phaios to choreut, "if one takes away the leader, the rest of the chorus is done for"(21.60): 48 or, as Aristotle puts it at Politics 277al1-12, among choreuts there is no single virtue for the coryphaios and the man standing next to him. 4 The choregos himself was known to have played the role of coryphaios in practice on at least one occasion (IG 13969, in a local deme).50 Thus even if he normally chose others to perform the role of coryphaios, the choregos (literally, leader of the chorus")may have retained a symbolic leadership role in relation to his chorus(the terms choregos, coryphaios, and tragoidos were blurred in any case in applica- tion).5I In contrast, however, to some archaic, aristocratic choruses from other poleis, or even to Attic satyr plays, where the chorus was led by the named figure Papposilenus, the tragic choregos or coryphaios, even though he addressed many or all of the chorus iambic lines to the actors, remained anonymous and in principle undifferentiated from the choral collective, de- spite his higher level of skills This seems to me hardly accidental. To make choral leadership within the drama pointed and thematically significant(even if the distinction was vis- ible in the coryphaios'role in performance) would symbolically substitute a relation between the choregos himself as choral producer and his chorus (or perhaps even the relation between the poet, also usually of distinguished birth, as chorus trainer and his chorus) for the often complex and sometimes ambivalent relation between actor and chorus. Choruses consisting of men of military age, especially if they acted as civilians rather than soldiers, 45. Trans. R. G. Bury. Loeb edition(1926). The rhapsode lon in Platos lon comments on the ability to 46. On the choregos'symbolic leadership and close identification with his chorus, see Wilson 2000, 18, 10-14.127,131 47. For a discussion of the patronage relationship, see wilson 2000, 124. 2000, 133: trans. Csapo and Slater 1995. At Pol. 1284b11-13. Aristotle argues that a chorus leader would exclude a singer whose voice was louder that of other choreuts as SI. Choregos can describe the producer or the chorus leader(Wilson 2000, 113-15) Tragoidos during the es the leadersh aced the poet in this role, could also become coryphaioi (see Dem Meid. 17 and 58-59, and wilson 2000. 84). At least in the case of dithyrambic choruses, chore. gos and chorus could express their close identity by wearing the same costumes at the dramatic festivals (see Dem. 21.16, 22; all were to wear crowns) This content downloaded from 145.97 173 155 on Wed. 01 Feb 2017 10: 50- 30 UT Allusesubjecttohttp://aboutjstor.org/terms
Choral Identity 11 the rhythms and gestures of free men, to assign the rhythms a tune or verses of an opposite style.”45 Finally, the symbolic leadership that the choregos exercised over his chorus may also have helped to shape its identity as an undifferentiated group of people who are generally not representative of the core theater audience.46 As noted above, choregoi developed an important and intimate patronage relation with their choreuts during the selection, rehearsal, and performance process, especially if, as was at least occasionally the case, they were directly involved in supervising their training.47 The role of chorus leader, or coryphaios, was clearly critical to the success of the chorus; as Demosthenes says, in a passage where he is clearly emphasizing the superiority of choregos and/or coryphaios to choreut, “if one takes away the leader, the rest of the chorus is done for” (21.60);48 or, as Aristotle puts it at Politics 1277a11–12, “among choreuts there is no single virtue for the coryphaios and the man standing next to him.”49 The choregos himself was known to have played the role of coryphaios in practice on at least one occasion (IG 13.969, in a local deme).50 Thus even if he normally chose others to perform the role of coryphaios, the choregos (literally, “leader of the chorus”) may have retained a symbolic leadership role in relation to his chorus (the terms choregos, coryphaios, and tragoidos were blurred in any case in application).51 In contrast, however, to some archaic, aristocratic choruses from other poleis, or even to Attic satyr plays, where the chorus was led by the named figure Papposilenus, the tragic choregos or coryphaios, even though he addressed many or all of the chorus’ iambic lines to the actors, remained anonymous and in principle undifferentiated from the choral collective, despite his higher level of skills. This seems to me hardly accidental. To make choral leadership within the drama pointed and thematically significant (even if the distinction was visible in the coryphaios’ role in performance) would symbolically substitute a relation between the choregos himself as choral producer and his chorus (or perhaps even the relation between the poet, also usually of distinguished birth, as chorus trainer and his chorus) for the often complex and sometimes ambivalent relation between actor and chorus. Choruses consisting of men of military age, especially if they acted as civilians rather than soldiers, 45. Trans. R. G. Bury, Loeb edition (1926). The rhapsode Ion in Plato’s Ion comments on the ability to know what women, a slave, and a free man might say (540b). 46. On the choregos’ symbolic leadership and close identification with his chorus, see Wilson 2000, 18, 110–14, 127, 131, and 139. 47. For a discussion of the patronage relationship, see Wilson 2000, 124. 48. Trans. Wilson 2000, 133. 49. See Wilson 2000, 133; trans. Csapo and Slater 1995. At Pol. 1284b11–13, Aristotle argues that a chorus leader would exclude a singer whose voice was louder and better than that of other choreuts. 50. Wilson 2000, 131. 51. Choregos can describe the producer or the chorus leader (Wilson 2000, 113–15). Tragoidos during the classical period can mean a member of a tragic chorus, a tragic actor, or the tragic poet (Csapo and Slater 1995, 360). Xen. Mem. 3.4 discusses the leadership of the choregos (see Wilson 2000, 81). Hired choral trainers, chorodidaskaloi, who had over time replaced the poet in this role, could also become coryphaioi (see Dem. Meid. 17 and 58–59, and Wilson 2000, 84). At least in the case of dithyrambic choruses, choregos and chorus could express their close identity by wearing the same costumes at the dramatic festivals (see Dem. 21.16, 22; all were to wear crowns). This content downloaded from 145.97.173.155 on Wed, 01 Feb 2017 10:50:30 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms