1062 Journal of Marriage and Family mixture context can embrace and integrate cohabitation of those realms by more progres- different elements of moderity and tradition to sive women and traditional men. strategically make decisions regarding family At a micro level,I also drew on femi- behavior.In so doing,they actively participate nist insights regarding individuals'efforts to in and reinvent the modern-traditional mosaic in challenge patriarchal tradition as well as the their daily lives.Researchers have found,instead family literature described above regarding the of individuals choosing to be only "modern" ways in which individuals select and combine or "traditional,"diverse strategies and patterns: modern and traditional ideas and practices. the hybrid arranged love marriage in India,the Work by Nazli Kibria(1990,1995a,1995b)on simultaneous student and mother who enjoys Vietnamese immigrant women in the United the support of her extended family in Nepal,and States and South Asian women in the urban romantic love in consanguineous marriages in context has revealed how women use their Qatar. socioeconomic resources to renegotiate gender For many non-Western societies,rapid indus- and family relationships within the patriarchal trialization has occurred only since World War system.This mosaic framework thus helped II;yet,their cultural heritage and indigenous me examine how women navigate a tradition family practices may have lasted for centuries and modernity“maze,”so to speak,and how or even longer.It should thus be no surprise to their decisions regarding marriage and career see the coexistence of traditional and modern both shape and are shaped by the pathways and elements with the onslaught of either modern- closed passages of that maze.Whether individ- ization (economic development)or Westerniza- uals select conflicting or harmonious elements tion (e.g.,developmental idealism)in regard to of modernity and tradition,what kind of new family behaviors. meanings develop out of their combination and the extent to which actors exercise agency within those selections remain questions that require The Modern-Traditional Mosaic With a Gender investigation. Lens At the macro level,the theoretical framework THE RESEARCH QUESTION of this study challenges the linear narratives of In the pre-reform period,the Communist progress and convergence offered by modern- government vigorously modernized Chinese ization theory.Instead,I understand tradition families via laws and policies that abolished and modernity as constituting a dynamic rela- underage and polygamous marriages,granted tionship that varies across time and context, women the right to decide when and whom which then variously shapes individuals'moti- they would marry,and promoted other forms vations regarding family behaviors in different of gender equality (Davis Harrell,1993). societies.At the meso level,I also incor- However,the influence of patriarchal tradition porated insights from feminist perspectives was never eliminated from the private sphere of on the public and private spheres (Pateman, family (Sun Chen,2014:Zuo,2003).With 1989)that complement this coexisting mosaic the rise of neoliberal globalization,supposedly approach. "modern"individualistic approaches to solve According to Paula England (2010),in"mod- gender and family issues align remarkably ern"Western societies,the private sphere of the (and ironically)well with resurgent patriarchal family is still regulated by traditional gender expectations regarding traditional gender norms. norms despite significant gains for women in With this potent mix of sometimes-conflicting, parts of the public sphere,such as the labor sometimes-overlapping messages regarding market and mass education.However,although marriage,family,and gender roles,in this women have become more progressive in their study I asked how educated,unmarried women gender ideology,men tend to remain relatively in China make decisions related to marriage traditional.Therefore,this research provides and career.Also,to what extent and how do a gendered mosaic lens,one that highlights they see themselves as navigating between the sometimes-uneasy coexistence of the mod- tradition and modernity in their efforts to ern public sphere and the traditional private make sense of their difficult and challenging sphere and the similarly sometimes-uneasy situation？
1062 Journal of Marriage and Family mixture context can embrace and integrate different elements of modernity and tradition to strategically make decisions regarding family behavior. In so doing, they actively participate in and reinvent the modern–traditional mosaic in their daily lives. Researchers have found, instead of individuals choosing to be only “modern” or “traditional,” diverse strategies and patterns: the hybrid arranged love marriage in India, the simultaneous student and mother who enjoys the support of her extended family in Nepal, and romantic love in consanguineous marriages in Qatar. For many non-Western societies, rapid industrialization has occurred only since World War II; yet, their cultural heritage and indigenous family practices may have lasted for centuries or even longer. It should thus be no surprise to see the coexistence of traditional and modern elements with the onslaught of either modernization (economic development) or Westernization (e.g., developmental idealism) in regard to family behaviors. The Modern–Traditional Mosaic With a Gender Lens At the macro level, the theoretical framework of this study challenges the linear narratives of progress and convergence offered by modernization theory. Instead, I understand tradition and modernity as constituting a dynamic relationship that varies across time and context, which then variously shapes individuals’ motivations regarding family behaviors in different societies. At the meso level, I also incorporated insights from feminist perspectives on the public and private spheres (Pateman, 1989) that complement this coexisting mosaic approach. According to Paula England (2010), in “modern” Western societies, the private sphere of the family is still regulated by traditional gender norms despite significant gains for women in parts of the public sphere, such as the labor market and mass education. However, although women have become more progressive in their gender ideology, men tend to remain relatively traditional. Therefore, this research provides a gendered mosaic lens, one that highlights the sometimes-uneasy coexistence of the modern public sphere and the traditional private sphere and the similarly sometimes-uneasy cohabitation of those realms by more progressive women and traditional men. At a micro level, I also drew on feminist insights regarding individuals’ efforts to challenge patriarchal tradition as well as the family literature described above regarding the ways in which individuals select and combine modern and traditional ideas and practices. Work by Nazli Kibria (1990, 1995a, 1995b) on Vietnamese immigrant women in the United States and South Asian women in the urban context has revealed how women use their socioeconomic resources to renegotiate gender and family relationships within the patriarchal system. This mosaic framework thus helped me examine how women navigate a tradition and modernity “maze,” so to speak, and how their decisions regarding marriage and career both shape and are shaped by the pathways and closed passages of that maze. Whether individuals select conflicting or harmonious elements of modernity and tradition, what kind of new meanings develop out of their combination and the extent to which actors exercise agency within those selections remain questions that require investigation. The Research Question In the pre-reform period, the Communist government vigorously modernized Chinese families via laws and policies that abolished underage and polygamous marriages, granted women the right to decide when and whom they would marry, and promoted other forms of gender equality (Davis & Harrell, 1993). However, the influence of patriarchal tradition was never eliminated from the private sphere of family (Sun & Chen, 2014; Zuo, 2003). With the rise of neoliberal globalization, supposedly “modern” individualistic approaches to solve gender and family issues align remarkably (and ironically) well with resurgent patriarchal expectations regarding traditional gender norms. With this potent mix of sometimes-conflicting, sometimes-overlapping messages regarding marriage, family, and gender roles, in this study I asked how educated, unmarried women in China make decisions related to marriage and career. Also, to what extent and how do they see themselves as navigating between tradition and modernity in their efforts to make sense of their difficult and challenging situation?
Tradition and Modernity 1063 METHOD Table 1.Characteristics of Informants (N=30) The Setting of Shanghai Characteristics n Located at the mouth of the Yangtze River and Age midway along the coastline of China,Shang- 26-29 10 hai is the largest city in the country and one 30-34 16 of the largest in the world,with about 23 mil- 35-40 lion people according to the 2010 China Census. Education An important global financial center,Shanghai Bachelor's or associate's degree 15 attracts highly educated professionals from all Master's degree 13 over the country.As one of the first five cities Doctoral degree 2 to open to foreign trade over 150 years ago, Ever had overseas education/work experience 9 Shanghai is the most Westernized city in main- Urban-rural land China.Women in Shanghai arguably have Native of Shanghai 11 the highest status in China in terms of gender Urban but not from Shanghai 13 equality,at least in the private sphere,and it is Rural 6 the norm there for women to be in charge of the family finances (Da,2004;Long,1999;Xu aIncludes those bom in Shanghai or those with parents Yeung,2013). from Shanghai. Sample and their referrals made it easy for me to earn the The 30 research subjects were all single women trust of other potential research candidates and between age 26 and 40 years,with the majority thus secure their agreement to participate. in their early 30s.Some of them were currently I began by asking friends,relatives,and dating,and others were not in a relationship,but coworkers to recommend interview candidates all of them had a boyfriend before.All of the in Shanghai.I then asked research informants to women had a college or higher degree,except recommend potential research subjects.Per one two who had an associate's degree.Half had a informant's suggestion,I placed a recruitment master's or doctoral degree,and close to one advertisement on Wechat (a popular Chinese third had overseas education or work experience mobile phone-based social networking appli- Most of the women were employed at the time cation with about 400 million active users) of their interview.The informants were from and asked some research informants to post professions such as medicine,engineering,and it.The strategy was extremely successful and academia.Geographically,about one third were ultimately played a crucial role in recruiting the natives of Shanghai,and the rest were from 14 sample.Wechat operates through various friend out of 31 provincial level districts nationwide. circles,so two people can see each other's posts All of them were Han ethnic,except for one, and messages only when they are friends on who was an ethnic minority.More details on the Wechat.It is an important networking outlet in subject characteristics are listed in Table 1. China today,through which news and gossip cir- culate as people forward posts within and across friend circles.Through Wechat,I recruited close Data Collection to one third of my informants. I conducted 30 semistructured interviews in I used a semistructured interview technique. Shanghai in 2013 using a snowball sampling I usually arranged interviews in public coffee technique.I used this technique because the shops or cafes in Shanghai and,with the infor- "leftover"women issue is a sensitive one in mants'permission,recorded interviews using a China,in particular for young women who are digital recorder.The interviews varied between under great pressure to get married from their 50 and 100 minutes.My informants and I usu- families and society in general.It is not an easy ally chatted for at least an hour before and after task to find them,and it is even more difficult to the interview.The longest time I stayed with an find ones who are willing to share their stories. informant was about 5 hours.It is important to Fortunately,my research subjects usually knew note that some of my informants told me later other female friends who fell into this category, that it was precisely because they did not know
Tradition and Modernity 1063 Method The Setting of Shanghai Located at the mouth of the Yangtze River and midway along the coastline of China, Shanghai is the largest city in the country and one of the largest in the world, with about 23 million people according to the 2010 China Census. An important global financial center, Shanghai attracts highly educated professionals from all over the country. As one of the first five cities to open to foreign trade over 150 years ago, Shanghai is the most Westernized city in mainland China. Women in Shanghai arguably have the highest status in China in terms of gender equality, at least in the private sphere, and it is the norm there for women to be in charge of the family finances (Da, 2004; Long, 1999; Xu & Yeung, 2013). Sample The 30 research subjects were all single women between age 26 and 40 years, with the majority in their early 30s. Some of them were currently dating, and others were not in a relationship, but all of them had a boyfriend before. All of the women had a college or higher degree, except two who had an associate’s degree. Half had a master’s or doctoral degree, and close to one third had overseas education or work experience. Most of the women were employed at the time of their interview. The informants were from professions such as medicine, engineering, and academia. Geographically, about one third were natives of Shanghai, and the rest were from 14 out of 31 provincial level districts nationwide. All of them were Han ethnic, except for one, who was an ethnic minority. More details on the subject characteristics are listed in Table 1. Data Collection I conducted 30 semistructured interviews in Shanghai in 2013 using a snowball sampling technique. I used this technique because the “leftover” women issue is a sensitive one in China, in particular for young women who are under great pressure to get married from their families and society in general. It is not an easy task to find them, and it is even more difficult to find ones who are willing to share their stories. Fortunately, my research subjects usually knew other female friends who fell into this category, Table 1. Characteristics of Informants (N =30) Characteristics n Age 26–29 10 30–34 16 35–40 4 Education Bachelor’s or associate’s degree 15 Master’s degree 13 Doctoral degree 2 Ever had overseas education/work experience 9 Urban–rural Native of Shanghaia 11 Urban but not from Shanghai 13 Rural 6 aIncludes those born in Shanghai or those with parents from Shanghai. and their referrals made it easy for me to earn the trust of other potential research candidates and thus secure their agreement to participate. I began by asking friends, relatives, and coworkers to recommend interview candidates in Shanghai. I then asked research informants to recommend potential research subjects. Per one informant’s suggestion, I placed a recruitment advertisement on Wechat (a popular Chinese mobile phone-based social networking application with about 400 million active users) and asked some research informants to post it. The strategy was extremely successful and ultimately played a crucial role in recruiting the sample. Wechat operates through various friend circles, so two people can see each other’s posts and messages only when they are friends on Wechat. It is an important networking outlet in China today, through which news and gossip circulate as people forward posts within and across friend circles. Through Wechat, I recruited close to one third of my informants. I used a semistructured interview technique. I usually arranged interviews in public coffee shops or cafés in Shanghai and, with the informants’ permission, recorded interviews using a digital recorder. The interviews varied between 50 and 100 minutes. My informants and I usually chatted for at least an hour before and after the interview. The longest time I stayed with an informant was about 5 hours. It is important to note that some of my informants told me later that it was precisely because they did not know