steel executive said It seems quite clear that much of this intense activity for Progressive reform was intended to head off socialism.Easley talked of "the menace of Socialism as evidenced by its growth in the colleges,churches,newspapers."In 1910,Victor Berger became the first member of the Socialist party elected to Congress;in 1911,seventy-three Socialist mayors were elected,and twelve hundred lesser officials in 340 cities and towns.The press spoke of "The Rising Tide of Socialism." A privately circulated memorandum suggested to one of the departments of the National Civic Federation:"In view of the rapid spread in the United States of socialistic doctrines,"what was needed was "a carefully planned and wisely directed effort to instruct public opinion as to the real meaning Of socialism."The memorandum suggested that the campaign "must be very skillfully and tactfully carried out,"that it "should not violently attack socialism and anarchism as such"but should be "patient and persuasive" and defend three ideas:"individual liberty;private property;and inviolability of contract." It is hard to say how many Socialists saw clearly how useful reform was to capitalism,but in 1912,a left-wing Socialist from Connecticut,Robert LaMonte,wrote: "Old age pensions and insurance against sickness,accidentand ynemployment are cheaper,are better business than jails,poor houses,asylums hospitals."He suggested that progressives would work for reforms,but Socialists must make only "impossible demands,"which would reveal the limitations of the reformers. Did the Progressive reforms succeed in doing wnat they intended-stabilize the capitalist system by repairing its worst defects,bbynt the edge of the Socialist movement, restore some measure of class peace in a time of increasingly bitter clashes between capital and labor?To some extent,perhaps But the Socialist party continued to grow. The IWW continued to agitate.And shortly after Woodrow Wilson took office there began in Colorado one of the most bitter and violent struggles between workers and corporate capital in the history of the country. This was the Colorado coal strike that began in September 1913 and culminated in the "Ludlow Massacre"ofsril 1914.Eleven thousand miners in southern Colorado, mostly foreign-born-GreeRs,Italians,Serbs-worked for the Colorado Fuel Iron Corporation,which was owned by the Rockefeller family.Aroused by the murder of one of their organizers,they went on strike against low pay,dangerous conditions,and feudal domination of their lives in towns completely controlled by the mining companies. Mother Jones,at this time an organizer for the United Mine Workers,came into the area, fired up the miners with her oratory,and helped them in those critical first months of the strike,until she was arrested,kept in a dungeon like cell,and then forcibly expelled from the state. When the strike began,the miners were immediately evicted from their shacks in the mining towns.Aided by the United Mine Workers Union,they set up tents in the nearby hills and carried on the strike,the picketing,from these tent colonies.The gunmen hired by the Rockefeller interests-the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency-using Gatling guns and rifles,raided the tent colonies.The death list of miners grew,but they hung on,drove back an armored train in a gun battle,fought to keep out strikebreakers.With the miners resisting,refusing to give in,the mines not able to operate,the Colorado governor (referred to by a Rockefeller mine manager as "our little cowboy governor")called out
steel executive said. It seems quite clear that much of this intense activity for Progressive reform was intended to head off socialism. Easley talked of "the menace of Socialism as evidenced by its growth in the colleges, churches, newspapers." In 1910, Victor Berger became the first member of the Socialist party elected to Congress; in 1911, seventy-three Socialist mayors were elected, and twelve hundred lesser officials in 340 cities and towns. The press spoke of "The Rising Tide of Socialism." A privately circulated memorandum suggested to one of the departments of the National Civic Federation: "In view of the rapid spread in the United States of socialistic doctrines," what was needed was "a carefully planned and wisely directed effort to instruct public opinion as to the real meaning Of socialism." The memorandum suggested that the campaign "must be very skillfully and tactfully carried out," that it "should not violently attack socialism and anarchism as such" but should be "patient and persuasive" and defend three ideas: "individual liberty; private property; and inviolability of contract." It is hard to say how many Socialists saw clearly how useful reform was to capitalism, but in 1912, a left-wing Socialist from Connecticut, Robert LaMonte, wrote: "Old age pensions and insurance against sickness, accident and unemployment are cheaper, are better business than jails, poor houses, asylums, hospitals." He suggested that progressives would work for reforms, but Socialists must make only "impossible demands," which would reveal the limitations of the reformers. Did the Progressive reforms succeed in doing what they intended- stabilize the capitalist system by repairing its worst defects, blunt the edge of the Socialist movement, restore some measure of class peace in a time of increasingly bitter clashes between capital and labor? To some extent, perhaps. But the Socialist party continued to grow. The IWW continued to agitate. And shortly after Woodrow Wilson took office there began in Colorado one of the most bitter and violent struggles between workers and corporate capital in the history of the country. This was the Colorado coal strike that began in September 1913 and culminated in the "Ludlow Massacre" of April 1914. Eleven thousand miners in southern Colorado, mostly foreign-born- Greeks, Italians, Serbs-worked for the Colorado Fuel & Iron Corporation, which was owned by the Rockefeller family. Aroused by the murder of one of their organizers, they went on strike against low pay, dangerous conditions, and feudal domination of their lives in towns completely controlled by the mining companies. Mother Jones, at this time an organizer for the United Mine Workers, came into the area, fired up the miners with her oratory, and helped them in those critical first months of the strike, until she was arrested, kept in a dungeon like cell, and then forcibly expelled from the state. When the strike began, the miners were immediately evicted from their shacks in the mining towns. Aided by the United Mine Workers Union, they set up tents in the nearby hills and carried on the strike, the picketing, from these tent colonies. The gunmen hired by the Rockefeller interests-the Baldwin-Felts Detective Agency-using Gatling guns and rifles, raided the tent colonies. The death list of miners grew, but they hung on, drove back an armored train in a gun battle, fought to keep out strikebreakers. With the miners resisting, refusing to give in, the mines not able to operate, the Colorado governor (referred to by a Rockefeller mine manager as "our little cowboy governor") called out no profit use only
the National Guard,with the Rockefellers supplying the Guard's wages. The miners at first thought the Guard was sent to protect them,and greeted its arrivals with flags and cheers.They soon found out the Guard was there to destroy the strike.The Guard brought strikebreakers in under cover of night,not telling them there was a strike.Guardsmen beat miners,arrested them by the hundreds,rode down with their horses parades of women in the streets of Trinidad,the central town in the area.And still the miners refused to give in.When they lasted through the cold winter of 1913- 1914,it became clear that extraordinary measures would be needed to break the strike. In April 1914,two National Guard companies were stationed in the hills overlooking the largest tent colony of strikers,the one at Ludlow,housing a thousand men,women, children.On the morning of April 20,a machine gun attack began on the tents.The miners fired back.Their leader,a Greek named Lou Tikas,was lured up into the hills to discuss a truce,then shot to death by a company of National Guardsmen.The women and children dug pits beneath the tents to escape the gunfire.At dusk,the Guard moved down from the hills with torches,set fire to the tents,and the families fled into the hills;thirteen people were killed by gunfire. The following day,a telephone linesman going through the ruins of the Ludlow tent colony lifted an iron cot covering a pit in one of the tents and found the charred,twisted bodies of eleven children and two women.This became kpown as the Ludlow Massacre. The news spread quickly over the country.In Denver,the United Mine Workers issued a "Call to Arms"-"Gather together for defensiye purposes all arms and ammunition legally available."Three hundred armed strikers natehed from other tent colonies into the Ludlow area,cut telephone and telegraph wirs,and prepared for battle.Railroad workers refused to take soldiers from Trinidad to Ludlow.At Colorado Springs,three hundred union miners walked off their iobs and headed for the Trinidad district,carrying revolvers,rifles,shotguns. In Trinidad itself,miners attenda funeral service for the twenty-six dead at Ludlow,then walked from the fungral to a nearby building,where arms were stacked for them.They picked up rifles and moved into the hills,destroying mines,killing mine guards,exploding mine shafts.The press reported that "the hills in every direction seem suddenly to be alive with men." In Denver,eighty-two soldiers in a company on a troop train headed for Trinidad refused to go.The press reported:"The men declared they would not engage in the shooting of women and children.They hissed the 350 men who did start and shouted imprecations at them." Five thousand people demonstrated in the rain on the lawn in front of the state capital at Denver asking that the National Guard officers at Ludlow be tried for murder. denouncing the governor as an accessory.The Denver Cigar Makers Union voted to send five hundred armed men to Ludlow and Trinidad.Women in the United Garment Workers Union in Denver announced four hundred of their members had volunteered as nurses to help the strikers All over the country there were meetings,demonstrations.Pickets marched in front of the Rockefeller office at 26 Broadway,New York City.A minister protested in front of the church where Rockefeller sometimes gave sermons,and was clubbed by the police. The New York Times carried an editorial on the events in Colorado,which were now attracting international attention.The Times emphasis was not on the atrocity that had
the National Guard, with the Rockefellers supplying the Guard's wages. The miners at first thought the Guard was sent to protect them, and greeted its arrivals with flags and cheers. They soon found out the Guard was there to destroy the strike. The Guard brought strikebreakers in under cover of night, not telling them there was a strike. Guardsmen beat miners, arrested them by the hundreds, rode down with their horses parades of women in the streets of Trinidad, the central town in the area. And still the miners refused to give in. When they lasted through the cold winter of 1913- 1914, it became clear that extraordinary measures would be needed to break the strike. In April 1914, two National Guard companies were stationed in the hills overlooking the largest tent colony of strikers, the one at Ludlow, housing a thousand men, women, children. On the morning of April 20, a machine gun attack began on the tents. The miners fired back. Their leader, a Greek named Lou Tikas, was lured up into the hills to discuss a truce, then shot to death by a company of National Guardsmen. The women and children dug pits beneath the tents to escape the gunfire. At dusk, the Guard moved down from the hills with torches, set fire to the tents, and the families fled into the hills; thirteen people were killed by gunfire. The following day, a telephone linesman going through the ruins of the Ludlow tent colony lifted an iron cot covering a pit in one of the tents and found the charred, twisted bodies of eleven children and two women. This became known as the Ludlow Massacre. The news spread quickly over the country. In Denver, the United Mine Workers issued a "Call to Arms"-"Gather together for defensive purposes all arms and ammunition legally available." Three hundred armed strikers marched from other tent colonies into the Ludlow area, cut telephone and telegraph wires, and prepared for battle. Railroad workers refused to take soldiers from Trinidad to Ludlow. At Colorado Springs, three hundred union miners walked off their jobs and headed for the Trinidad district, carrying revolvers, rifles, shotguns. In Trinidad itself, miners attended a funeral service for the twenty-six dead at Ludlow, then walked from the funeral to a nearby building, where arms were stacked for them. They picked up rifles and moved into the hills, destroying mines, killing mine guards, exploding mine shafts. The press reported that "the hills in every direction seem suddenly to be alive with men." In Denver, eighty-two soldiers in a company on a troop train headed for Trinidad refused to go. The press reported: "The men declared they would not engage in the shooting of women and children. They hissed the 350 men who did start and shouted imprecations at them." Five thousand people demonstrated in the rain on the lawn in front of the state capital at Denver asking that the National Guard officers at Ludlow be tried for murder, denouncing the governor as an accessory. The Denver Cigar Makers Union voted to send five hundred armed men to Ludlow and Trinidad. Women in the United Garment Workers Union in Denver announced four hundred of their members had volunteered as nurses to help the strikers. All over the country there were meetings, demonstrations. Pickets marched in front of the Rockefeller office at 26 Broadway, New York City. A minister protested in front of the church where Rockefeller sometimes gave sermons, and was clubbed by the police. The New York Times carried an editorial on the events in Colorado, which were now attracting international attention. The Times emphasis was not on the atrocity that had no profit use only
occurred,but on the mistake in tactics that had been made.Its editorial on the Ludlow Massacre began:"Somebody blundered...."Two days later,with the miners armed and in the hills of the mine district,the Times wrote:"With the deadliest weapons of civilization in the hands of savage-minded men,there can be no telling to what lengths the war in Colorado will go unless it is quelled by force..-.The President should turn his attention from Mexico long enough to take stern measures in Colorado." The governor of Colorado asked for federal troops to restore order,and Woodrow Wilson complied.This accomplished,the strike petered out.Congressional committees came in and took thousands of pages of testimony.The union had not won recognition. Sixty-six men,women,and children had been killed.Not one militiaman or mine guard had been indicted for crime. Still,Colorado had been a scene of ferocious class conflict,whose emotional repercussions had rolled through the entire country.The threat of class rebellion was clearly still there in the industrial conditions of the United States,in the undeterred spirit of rebellion among working people-whatever legislation had been passed,whatever liberal reforms were on the books,whatever investigations were undertaken and words of regret and conciliation uttered. The Times had referred to Mexico.On the morning that the bodies were discovered in the tent pit at Ludlow,American warships were attacking Vera Cruz,a city on the coast of Mexico-bombarding it,occupying it,leaving a hundred Mexicans dead-because Mexico had arrested American sailors and refused toapologize to the United States with a twenty-one-gun salute.Could patriotic fervor and the military spirit cover up class struggle?Unemployment,hard times,were growing in 1914.Could guns divert attention and create some national consensus against an external enemy?It surely was a coincidence-the bombardment of Vera Cruz,the attack on the Ludlow colony.Or perhaps it was,as someone once described humap history,"the natural selection of accidents." Perhaps the affair in Mexico was atr istinctual response of the system for its own survival,to create a unity of fighring purpose among a people torn by internal conflict. The bombardment of Vera Cruz was a small incident.But in four months the First World War would begin iope
occurred, but on the mistake in tactics that had been made. Its editorial on the Ludlow Massacre began: "Somebody blundered...." Two days later, with the miners armed and in the hills of the mine district, the Times wrote: "With the deadliest weapons of civilization in the hands of savage-minded men, there can be no telling to what lengths the war in Colorado will go unless it is quelled by force.. -. The President should turn his attention from Mexico long enough to take stern measures in Colorado." The governor of Colorado asked for federal troops to restore order, and Woodrow Wilson complied. This accomplished, the strike petered out. Congressional committees came in and took thousands of pages of testimony. The union had not won recognition. Sixty-six men, women, and children had been killed. Not one militiaman or mine guard had been indicted for crime. Still, Colorado had been a scene of ferocious class conflict, whose emotional repercussions had rolled through the entire country. The threat of class rebellion was clearly still there in the industrial conditions of the United States, in the undeterred spirit of rebellion among working people- whatever legislation had been passed, whatever liberal reforms were on the books, whatever investigations were undertaken and words of regret and conciliation uttered. The Times had referred to Mexico. On the morning that the bodies were discovered in the tent pit at Ludlow, American warships were attacking Vera Cruz, a city on the coast of Mexico-bombarding it, occupying it, leaving a hundred Mexicans dead-because Mexico had arrested American sailors and refused to apologize to the United States with a twenty-one-gun salute. Could patriotic fervor and the military spirit cover up class struggle? Unemployment, hard times, were growing in 1914. Could guns divert attention and create some national consensus against an external enemy? It surely was a coincidence-the bombardment of Vera Cruz, the attack on the Ludlow colony. Or perhaps it was, as someone once described human history, "the natural selection of accidents." Perhaps the affair in Mexico was an instinctual response of the system for its own survival, to create a unity of fighting purpose among a people torn by internal conflict. The bombardment of Vera Cruz was a small incident. But in four months the First World War would begin in Europe. no profit use only
14.War Is the Health of the State "War is the health of the state,"the radical writer Randolph Bourne said,in the midst of the First World War.Indeed,as the nations of Europe went to war in 1914,the governments flourished,patriotism bloomed,class struggle was stilled,and young men died in frightful numbers on the battlefields-often for a hundred yards of land,a line of trenches. In the United States,not yet in the war,there was worry about the health of the state. Socialism was growing.The IWW seemed to be everywhere.Class conflict was intense. In the summer of 1916,during a Preparedness Day parade in San Francisco,a bomb exploded,killing nine people;two local radicals,Tom Mooney and Warren Billings, were arrested and would spend twenty years in prison.Shortly after that Senator James Wadsworth of New York suggested compulsory military training for all males to avert the danger that "these people of ours shall be divided into classes."Rather:"We must let our young men know that they owe some responsibility to this country." The supreme fulfillment of that responsibility was taking plce in Europe.Ten million were to the on the battlefield;20 million were to the of hunger and disease related to the war.And no one since that day has been able to skow that the war brought any gain for humanity that would be worth one human life.The rhetoric of the socialists,that it was an "imperialist war,"now seems moderate and fardly arguable.The advanced capitalist countries of Europe were fighting over boundaries,colonies,spheres of influence;they were competing for Alsaceorraine,the Balkans,Africa,the Middle East. Cy The war came shortly after the opehing of the twentieth century,in the midst of exultation(perhaps only among therelite in the Western world)about progress and modernization.One day after the English declared war,Henry James wrote to a friend: "The plunge of civilization into this abyss of blood and darkness...is a thing that so gives away the whole long age doring which we have supposed the world to be...gradually bettering."In the first Battle of the Maine,the British and French succeeded in blocking the German advance on Paris.Each side had 500,000 casualties. The killing started very fast,and on a large scale.In August 1914,a volunteer for the British army had to be 5 feet 8 inches to enlist.By October,the requirement was lowered to 5 feet 5 inches.That month there were thirty thousand casualties,and then one could be 5 feet 3.In the first three months of war,almost the entire original British army was wiped out. For three years the battle lines remained virtually stationary in France.Each side would push forward,then back,then forward again-for a few yards,a few miles,while the corpses piled up.In 1916 the Germans tried to break through at Verdun;the British and French counterattacked along the Seine,moved forward a few miles,and lost 600,000 men.One day,the 9th Battalion of the King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry launched an attack-with eight hundred men.Twenty-four hours later,there were eighty- four left. Back home,the British were not told of the slaughter.One English writer recalled: "The most bloody defeat in the history of Britain...might occur...and our Press come
14. War Is the Health of the State "War is the health of the state," the radical writer Randolph Bourne said, in the midst of the First World War. Indeed, as the nations of Europe went to war in 1914, the governments flourished, patriotism bloomed, class struggle was stilled, and young men died in frightful numbers on the battlefields-often for a hundred yards of land, a line of trenches. In the United States, not yet in the war, there was worry about the health of the state. Socialism was growing. The IWW seemed to be everywhere. Class conflict was intense. In the summer of 1916, during a Preparedness Day parade in San Francisco, a bomb exploded, killing nine people; two local radicals, Tom Mooney and Warren Billings, were arrested and would spend twenty years in prison. Shortly after that Senator James Wadsworth of New York suggested compulsory military training for all males to avert the danger that "these people of ours shall be divided into classes." Rather: "We must let our young men know that they owe some responsibility to this country." The supreme fulfillment of that responsibility was taking place in Europe. Ten million were to the on the battlefield; 20 million were to the of hunger and disease related to the war. And no one since that day has been able to show that the war brought any gain for humanity that would be worth one human life. The rhetoric of the socialists, that it was an "imperialist war," now seems moderate and hardly arguable. The advanced capitalist countries of Europe were fighting over boundaries, colonies, spheres of influence; they were competing for Alsace-Lorraine, the Balkans, Africa, the Middle East. The war came shortly after the opening of the twentieth century, in the midst of exultation (perhaps only among the elite in the Western world) about progress and modernization. One day after the English declared war, Henry James wrote to a friend: "The plunge of civilization into this abyss of blood and darkness ... is a thing that so gives away the whole long age during which we have supposed the world to be ... gradually bettering." In the first Battle of the Maine, the British and French succeeded in blocking the German advance on Paris. Each side had 500,000 casualties. The killing started very fast, and on a large scale. In August 1914, a volunteer for the British army had to be 5 feet 8 inches to enlist. By October, the requirement was lowered to 5 feet 5 inches. That month there were thirty thousand casualties, and then one could be 5 feet 3. In the first three months of war, almost the entire original British army was wiped out. For three years the battle lines remained virtually stationary in France. Each side would push forward, then back, then forward again- for a few yards, a few miles, while the corpses piled up. In 1916 the Germans tried to break through at Verdun; the British and French counterattacked along the Seine, moved forward a few miles, and lost 600,000 men. One day, the 9th Battalion of the King's Own Yorkshire Light Infantry launched an attack- with eight hundred men. Twenty-four hours later, there were eightyfour left. Back home, the British were not told of the slaughter. One English writer recalled: "The most bloody defeat in the history of Britain . . . might occur . . . and our Press come no profit use only
out bland and copious and graphic with nothing to show that we had not had quite a good day-a victory really..."The same thing was happening on the German side;as Erich Maria Remarque wrote in his great novel,on days when men by the thousands were being blown apart by machine guns and shells,the official dispatches announced"All Quiet on the Western Front." In July 1916,British General Douglas Haig ordered eleven divisions of English soldiers to climb out of their trenches and move toward the German lines.The six German divisions opened up with their machine guns.Of the 110,000 who attacked, 20,000 were killed,40,000 more wounded-all those bodies strewn on no man's land,the ghostly territory between the contending trenches.On January 1,1917,Haig was promoted to field marshal.What happened that summer is described tersely in William Langer's An Encyclopedia of World History: Despite the opposition of Lloyd George and the skepticism of some of his subordinates, Haig proceeded hopefully to the main offensive.The third battle of Ypres was a series of 8 heavy attacks,carried through in driving rain and fought over ground water-logged and muddy.No break-through was effected,and the total gain was about 5 miles of territory, which made the Ypres salient more inconvenient than ever and cost the British about 400.,000men. The people of France and Britain were not told the extont of the casualties.When,in the last year of the war,the Germans attacked ferociously on the Somme,and left 300,000 British soldiers dead or wounded,London newspapers printed the following,we learn from Paul Fussell's The Great War and Moderr Memory: WHAT CANDO? How the Civilian May Help in this Crisis. Be cheerful..… Write encouragmgly to friends at the front... Dont repeat foolish gossip. Dopx listen to idle rumors. Don't think you know better than Haig. Into this pit of death and deception carne the United States,in the spring of 1917. Mutinies were beginning tooccur in the French army.Soon,out of 112 divisions,68 would have mutinies;629 men would be tried and condemned,50 shot by firing squads. American troops were badly needed. President Woodrow Wilson had promised that the United States would stay neutral in the war:"There is such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight."But in April of 1917,the Germans had announced they would have their submarines sink any ship bringing supplies to their enemies;and they had sunk a number of merchant vessels. Wilson now said he must stand by the right of Americans to travel on merchant ships in the war zone."I cannot consent to any abridgement of the rights of American citizens in any respect...." As Richard Hofstadter points out(The American Political Tradition):"This was rationalization of the flimsiest sort...."The British had also been intruding on the rights of American citizens on the high seas,but Wilson was not suggesting we go to war with them.Hofstadter says Wilson "was forced to find legal reasons for policies that were based not upon law but upon the balance of power and economic necessities." It was unrealistic to expect that the Germans should treat the United States as neutral
out bland and copious and graphic with nothing to show that we had not had quite a good day-a victory really..." The same thing was happening on the German side; as Erich Maria Remarque wrote in his great novel, on days when men by the thousands were being blown apart by machine guns and shells, the official dispatches announced "All Quiet on the Western Front." In July 1916, British General Douglas Haig ordered eleven divisions of English soldiers to climb out of their trenches and move toward the German lines. The six German divisions opened up with their machine guns. Of the 110,000 who attacked, 20,000 were killed, 40,000 more wounded-all those bodies strewn on no man's land, the ghostly territory between the contending trenches. On January 1, 1917, Haig was promoted to field marshal. What happened that summer is described tersely in William Langer's An Encyclopedia of World History: Despite the opposition of Lloyd George and the skepticism of some of his subordinates, Haig proceeded hopefully to the main offensive. The third battle of Ypres was a series of 8 heavy attacks, carried through in driving rain and fought over ground water-logged and muddy. No break- through was effected, and the total gain was about 5 miles of territory, which made the Ypres salient more inconvenient than ever and cost the British about 400,000 men. The people of France and Britain were not told the extent of the casualties. When, in the last year of the war, the Germans attacked ferociously on the Somme, and left 300,000 British soldiers dead or wounded, London newspapers printed the following, we learn from Paul Fussell's The Great War and Modern Memory: WHAT CAN I DO? How the Civilian May Help in this Crisis. Be cheerful... Write encouragingly to friends at the front... Don't repeat foolish gossip. Don't listen to idle rumors. Don't think you know better than Haig. Into this pit of death and deception carne the United States, in the spring of 1917. Mutinies were beginning to occur in the French army. Soon, out of 112 divisions, 68 would have mutinies; 629 men would be tried and condemned, 50 shot by firing squads. American troops were badly needed. President Woodrow Wilson had promised that the United States would stay neutral in the war: "There is such a thing as a nation being too proud to fight." But in April of 1917, the Germans had announced they would have their submarines sink any ship bringing supplies to their enemies; and they had sunk a number of merchant vessels. Wilson now said he must stand by the right of Americans to travel on merchant ships in the war zone. "I cannot consent to any abridgement of the rights of American citizens in any respect. . . ." As Richard Hofstadter points out (The American Political Tradition): "This was rationalization of the flimsiest sort.. . ." The British had also been intruding on the rights of American citizens on the high seas, but Wilson was not suggesting we go to war with them. Hofstadter says Wilson "was forced to find legal reasons for policies that were based not upon law but upon the balance of power and economic necessities." It was unrealistic to expect that the Germans should treat the United States as neutral no profit use only