1274 Journal of Marriage and the Family vorced families might exhibit problems because House,Hopkins,Slaten,1996),less satisfying they have inherited genetic traits from their (pre- sex lives (Laumann,Gagnon,Michael,Mi- sumably troubled)parents.According to this per- chaels.1994).and more negative life events(Kit- spective,to the extent that parents'personalities son.1992:Lorenz et al.,1997:Simons and As- and genetically transmitted predispositions are sociates,1996).Divorced individuals also have a causes of divorce as well as child problems,the lower standard of living,possess less wealth,and apparent effects of divorce on children are spuri- experience greater economic hardship than mar- ous. ried individuals (Hao.1996:Marks.1996:Ross. 1995.Teachman Paasch.1994).although this particular difference is considerably greater for RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR ADULTS women than men.For parents,divorce is associ- ated with more difficulties in raising children (Fisher,Fagor,Leve,1998:Hetherington Comparisons of Divorced and Married Individuals Clingempeel,1992),less authoritative parenting (Ellwood Stolberg,1993;Simons Associates, A large number of studies published during the 1996:Thomson.McLanahan,Curtin,1992). 1990s found that divorced individuals,compared and greater parental role strain among noncusto- with married individuals,experience lower levels dial as well as custodial parents(Rogers White, of psychological well-being,including lower hap- 1998:Umberson Williams.1993).Of course. piness,more symptoms of psychological distress, this literature contains some null findings.But the and poorer self-concepts (Aseltine Kessler. general conclusion that emerges from studies pub- 1993:Davies et al..1997:Demo Acock.1996b lished in the 1990s-that the divorced are worse Kitson,1992;Lorenz et al.,1997;Marks,1996; off than the married in multiple ways-is consis- Mastekaasa.1994a.1994b.1995:Robins Re- tent with research conducted in the 1980s(Kitson gier,1991;Ross,1995;Shapiro,1996;Simon, Morgan,1990)and in earlier decades (Bloom 1998;Simon Marcussen,1999;Simons As- etal.,1978). sociates,1996;Umberson Williams.1993: Although the divorce-stress-adjustment per- White,1992).Compared with married individuals, spective assumes that marital dissolution increases divorced individuals also have more health prob- the risk of negative outcomes,it allows for the lems and a greater risk of mortality (Aldous possibility that some individuals experience posi- Ganey,1999;Hemstrom,1996;Joung et al.,1997; tive changes.Consistent with this notion,several Lillard Waite,1995:Murphy,Glaser,Grun- studies show that divorced individuals report dy,1997;Rogers,1996;Zick Smith,1991).Al- higher levels of autonomy and personal growth though the direction of these differences is than do married individuals (Kitson,1992:Marks. consistent,their magnitude varies across studies. 1996).Acock and Demo(1994)found that many For example,Hope,Power,and Rodgers (1999) divorced mothers reported improvements in career compared the depression scores of married and opportunities,social lives,and happiness follow- divorced mothers in a large,national British sam- ing divorce.Similarly,in a qualitative study, ple and found an effect size of.56,which trans- Riessmann (1990)found that women reported lates into a 188%increase in the odds of depres- more self-confidence and a stronger sense of con- sion.Other studies suggest smaller differences, trol following marital dissolution,and men re- however.Because no one has carried out a sys- ported more interpersonal skills and a greater will- tematic evaluation of effect sizes in this literature. ingness to self-disclose.In summary,although the it is difficult to make claims about the magnitude majority of studies document the negative conse- of group differences on average. quences of divorce,a small number of studies in- Research also shows that divorced and married dicate that divorce also has positive consequences individuals differ on a number of variables that for many individuals.If more studies explicitly can be viewed not only as outcomes in their own searched for positive outcomes,then the number right,but also as mediators of the long-term ef- of studies documenting beneficial effects of di- fects of marital dissolution on well-being.Com- vorce would almost certainly be larger pared with married individuals,divorced individ- uals report more social isolation (Joung et al. Causation or Selection? 1997;Marks,1996;Mastekaasa,1997;Peters Studies in the 1990s indicate that divorce is as- Leifbroer.1997:Ross,1995:Umberson.Chen. sociated with a variety of problematic outcomes
1274 Journal of Marriage and the Family vorced families might exhibit problems because they have inherited genetic traits from their (presumably troubled) parents. According to this perspective, to the extent that parents’ personalities and genetically transmitted predispositions are causes of divorce as well as child problems, the apparent effects of divorce on children are spurious. RESEARCH ON THE CONSEQUENCES OF DIVORCE FOR ADULTS Comparisons of Divorced and Married Individuals A large number of studies published during the 1990s found that divorced individuals, compared with married individuals, experience lower levels of psychological well-being, including lower happiness, more symptoms of psychological distress, and poorer self-concepts (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Davies et al., 1997; Demo & Acock, 1996b; Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997; Marks, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1994a, 1994b, 1995; Robins & Regier, 1991; Ross, 1995; Shapiro, 1996; Simon, 1998; Simon & Marcussen, 1999; Simons & Associates, 1996; Umberson & Williams, 1993; White, 1992). Compared with married individuals, divorced individuals also have more health problems and a greater risk of mortality (Aldous & Ganey, 1999; Hemstrom, 1996; Joung et al., 1997; Lillard & Waite, 1995; Murphy, Glaser, & Grundy, 1997; Rogers, 1996; Zick & Smith, 1991). Although the direction of these differences is consistent, their magnitude varies across studies. For example, Hope, Power, and Rodgers (1999) compared the depression scores of married and divorced mothers in a large, national British sample and found an effect size of .56, which translates into a 188% increase in the odds of depression. Other studies suggest smaller differences, however. Because no one has carried out a systematic evaluation of effect sizes in this literature, it is difficult to make claims about the magnitude of group differences on average. Research also shows that divorced and married individuals differ on a number of variables that can be viewed not only as outcomes in their own right, but also as mediators of the long-term effects of marital dissolution on well-being. Compared with married individuals, divorced individuals report more social isolation (Joung et al., 1997; Marks, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1997; Peters & Leifbroer, 1997; Ross, 1995; Umberson, Chen, House, Hopkins, & Slaten, 1996), less satisfying sex lives (Laumann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994), and more negative life events (Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997; Simons and Associates, 1996). Divorced individuals also have a lower standard of living, possess less wealth, and experience greater economic hardship than married individuals (Hao, 1996; Marks, 1996; Ross, 1995, Teachman & Paasch, 1994), although this particular difference is considerably greater for women than men. For parents, divorce is associated with more difficulties in raising children (Fisher, Fagor, & Leve, 1998; Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992), less authoritative parenting (Ellwood & Stolberg, 1993; Simons & Associates, 1996; Thomson, McLanahan, & Curtin, 1992), and greater parental role strain among noncustodial as well as custodial parents (Rogers & White, 1998; Umberson & Williams, 1993). Of course, this literature contains some null findings. But the general conclusion that emerges from studies published in the 1990s—that the divorced are worse off than the married in multiple ways—is consistent with research conducted in the 1980s (Kitson & Morgan, 1990) and in earlier decades (Bloom et al., 1978). Although the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective assumes that marital dissolution increases the risk of negative outcomes, it allows for the possibility that some individuals experience positive changes. Consistent with this notion, several studies show that divorced individuals report higher levels of autonomy and personal growth than do married individuals (Kitson, 1992; Marks, 1996). Acock and Demo (1994) found that many divorced mothers reported improvements in career opportunities, social lives, and happiness following divorce. Similarly, in a qualitative study, Riessmann (1990) found that women reported more self-confidence and a stronger sense of control following marital dissolution, and men reported more interpersonal skills and a greater willingness to self-disclose. In summary, although the majority of studies document the negative consequences of divorce, a small number of studies indicate that divorce also has positive consequences for many individuals. If more studies explicitly searched for positive outcomes, then the number of studies documenting beneficial effects of divorce would almost certainly be larger. Causation or Selection? Studies in the 1990s indicate that divorce is associated with a variety of problematic outcomes
The Consequences of Divorce 1275 But does divorce lower people's well-being,or are following divorce.That is,long-standing differ- poorly functioning people especially likely to di- ences between those who divorce and those who vorce?Consistent with the divorce-stress-adjust- remain married might be amplified as divorce be- ment perspective,and contrary to the selection comes imminent.For example,a husband's ag- perspective,longitudinal studies show that people gression might contribute to the dissolution of the who make the transition from marriage to divorce relationship,but the dissolution of the relation- report an increase in symptoms of depression,an ship,in turn,might generate even more serious increase in alcohol use,and decreases in happi- levels of aggression.Second,some individuals ness,mastery,and self-acceptance (Aseltine might have long-standing problems that disrupt Kessler,1993;Hope,Rodgers,Power,1999; their marriages,whereas others might be relatively Marks Lambert,1998;Power,Rodgers, symptom-free until confronted with the stress of Hope,1999).Given that divorce is a process rath- marital dissolution.In other words,selection ex- er than a discrete event,declines in well-being are planations might apply to some groups of people likely to begin prior to the legal divorce.In fact, more than others. Kitson's (1992)respondents reported (retrospec- tively)that they had experienced the greatest level Divorce as Crisis or Chronic Strain? of stress prior to making the decision to divorce the second highest level of distress at the time of An unresolved issue in the literature of the 1990s the decision,and the least stress following the fi- is whether divorce represents a temporary crisis nal separation.Consistent with Kitson's data,lon- to which most individuals adapt or a source of gitudinal studies (Booth Amato.1991:Johnson chronic strains that persist indefinitely.Several Wu.1996:Mastekaasa.1994b.1997)show that studies found that unhappiness,distress,depres- reports of unhappiness and psychological distress sion,alcohol consumption,and health problems begin to rise a few years prior to marital separa- had largely subsided 2 or 3 years aftersepara- tion.Furthermore.Johnson and Wu (1996)used a tion-a result that supports the crisis model fixed-effects model to control for all time-invari- (Booth Amato,1991;Goldberg,Greenberger, ant individual variables,thus making it unlikely Hamill.O'Neil.1992:Kitson.1992:Lorenz et that selection could account for the increase in al..1997).In contrast,other studies failed to find distress. improvements in people's functioning during the Some longitudinal studies,however,suggest time since divorce.unless they remarried-a re- that selection effects operate alongside divorce ef- sult that supports the chronic strain model (Asel- fects.For example,Mastekaasa (1997)observed tine Kessler,1993:DeGarmo Kitson.1996: personal problems(such as greater alcohol con- Gray Silver,1990;Johnson Wu,1996;Mas- sumption among wives)as early as 4 years prior tekaasa,1995;Neff Schluter,1993;Wang to divorce.Hope,Rodgers,and Power (1999) Amato,in press).Furthermore,Umberson and found that depression at age 23 predicted becom- Williams (1993)found that parental strain among ing a single mother at age 33.Similarly,Davies divorced fathers increased,rather than decreased. and colleagues (1997)found that many divorced over time.Of course,both the crisis and the mothers had a history of depression that predated chronic strain models might contain some truth the marriage.These mothers also reported high Kitson(1992)found that although half of her re- levels of adversity in their families of origin,in- spondents improved over time,about one fourth cluding weak attachment to parents and parental got worse.These results suggest that a crisis mod- depression.Controlling for these family-of-origin el(implying gradual adjustment)might be appro- factors decreased the estimated effect of divorce priate for some individuals,and a chronic strain on adult depression(suggesting a selection effect), model (implying persistent long-term problems) although the association between divorce and de- might be appropriate for others. pression remained significant(suggesting divorce causation). In general,studies support the notion of di- Mediators of Divorce Effects vorce causation,but a degree of selection also Researchers attempting to identify the mediators might be operating.This combination can occur of divorce effects have adopted two strategies. in two ways.First,some individuals might be Some researchers have examined associations be- prone to psychological or interpersonal problems tween mediators and measures of well-being using prior to divorce but exhibit additional problems samples composed entirely of divorced individu-
The Consequences of Divorce 1275 But does divorce lower people’s well-being, or are poorly functioning people especially likely to divorce? Consistent with the divorce-stress-adjustment perspective, and contrary to the selection perspective, longitudinal studies show that people who make the transition from marriage to divorce report an increase in symptoms of depression, an increase in alcohol use, and decreases in happiness, mastery, and self-acceptance (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; Hope, Rodgers, & Power, 1999; Marks & Lambert, 1998; Power, Rodgers, & Hope, 1999). Given that divorce is a process rather than a discrete event, declines in well-being are likely to begin prior to the legal divorce. In fact, Kitson’s (1992) respondents reported (retrospectively) that they had experienced the greatest level of stress prior to making the decision to divorce, the second highest level of distress at the time of the decision, and the least stress following the fi- nal separation. Consistent with Kitson’s data, longitudinal studies (Booth & Amato, 1991; Johnson & Wu, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1994b, 1997) show that reports of unhappiness and psychological distress begin to rise a few years prior to marital separation. Furthermore, Johnson and Wu (1996) used a fixed-effects model to control for all time-invariant individual variables, thus making it unlikely that selection could account for the increase in distress. Some longitudinal studies, however, suggest that selection effects operate alongside divorce effects. For example, Mastekaasa (1997) observed personal problems (such as greater alcohol consumption among wives) as early as 4 years prior to divorce. Hope, Rodgers, and Power (1999) found that depression at age 23 predicted becoming a single mother at age 33. Similarly, Davies and colleagues (1997) found that many divorced mothers had a history of depression that predated the marriage. These mothers also reported high levels of adversity in their families of origin, including weak attachment to parents and parental depression. Controlling for these family-of-origin factors decreased the estimated effect of divorce on adult depression (suggesting a selection effect), although the association between divorce and depression remained significant (suggesting divorce causation). In general, studies support the notion of divorce causation, but a degree of selection also might be operating. This combination can occur in two ways. First, some individuals might be prone to psychological or interpersonal problems prior to divorce but exhibit additional problems following divorce. That is, long-standing differences between those who divorce and those who remain married might be amplified as divorce becomes imminent. For example, a husband’s aggression might contribute to the dissolution of the relationship, but the dissolution of the relationship, in turn, might generate even more serious levels of aggression. Second, some individuals might have long-standing problems that disrupt their marriages, whereas others might be relatively symptom-free until confronted with the stress of marital dissolution. In other words, selection explanations might apply to some groups of people more than others. Divorce as Crisis or Chronic Strain? An unresolved issue in the literature of the 1990s is whether divorce represents a temporary crisis to which most individuals adapt or a source of chronic strains that persist indefinitely. Several studies found that unhappiness, distress, depression, alcohol consumption, and health problems had largely subsided 2 or 3 years afterseparation—a result that supports the crisis model (Booth & Amato, 1991; Goldberg, Greenberger, Hamill, & O’Neil, 1992; Kitson, 1992; Lorenz et al., 1997). In contrast, other studies failed to find improvements in people’s functioning during the time since divorce, unless they remarried—a result that supports the chronic strain model (Aseltine & Kessler, 1993; DeGarmo & Kitson, 1996; Gray & Silver, 1990; Johnson & Wu, 1996; Mastekaasa, 1995; Neff & Schluter, 1993; Wang & Amato, in press). Furthermore, Umberson and Williams (1993) found that parental strain among divorced fathers increased, rather than decreased, over time. Of course, both the crisis and the chronic strain models might contain some truth. Kitson (1992) found that although half of her respondents improved over time, about one fourth got worse. These results suggest that a crisis model (implying gradual adjustment) might be appropriate for some individuals, and a chronic strain model (implying persistent long-term problems) might be appropriate for others. Mediators of Divorce Effects Researchers attempting to identify the mediators of divorce effects have adopted two strategies. Some researchers have examined associations between mediators and measures of well-being using samples composed entirely of divorced individu-