segregation,and homogamy.Previous research literature on marriage is that,although Becker's has examined whether income segregation is as- (1974,1981)and Parsons's (1949)theories sociated with health and education outcomes, about gender specialization may once have but findings from these studies are mixed aptly characterized marital arrangements, (Lobmayer Wilkinson 2002,Mayer 2001, marriage is an increasingly egalitarian and Mayer Sarin 2005).Linking segregation to flexible institution(e.g.,Cherlin 2004;Gerson assortative mating seems quite promising given 2010;Oppenheimer 1994,1997).This argu- that relationship formation is strongly rooted ment underlies two main hypotheses about in space (McPherson et al.2001). how changes in gender inequality affect Despite some straightforward differences matching:one framed from the perspective of between the modernization and inequality hy-women choosing men,and the other from the potheses,few studies have empirically adjudi-perspective of men choosing women. cated between them.For instance,the two the- When women choose men,increases in ories diverge with respect to predicted trends women's socioeconomic status relative to in sorting on social origins.With increased de-men's should give women more freedom to velopment,modernization theory predicts a de-choose their mates on nonpecuniary grounds cline in sorting on social origins,but growing (Oppenheimer Lew 1995,Sweeney 2002). US wealth inequality since the 1970s (Wolff In other words,when choosing between "love 1998)suggests that the importance of sorting or money,"women can afford to choose love on social origins may have increased.Kalmijn (Fernandez et al.2005).This hypothesis is (1991b)found weak evidence of a decline in so- generally interpreted to imply less matching cial origin homogamy among couples married on socioeconomic resources,although it is between 1927 and 1961,but no study has ex-not clear why this should necessarily be the amined these trends since inequality began its case.For instance,because lifestyles,attitudes, steep rise.Additional studies of sorting on so- and beliefs are associated with class position cial origins would also be useful in addressing (Weeden Grusky 2012),it may be that whether increases in educational homogamy in increases in women's earnings facilitate a the United States reflect increased sorting on longer search,allowing women to find better class background,or whether men and women matches on numerous characteristics. sort on class background just as they always have From the perspective of men choosing even as educational homogamy has increased. women,as women's economic prospects grow Finally,interest in the inequality hypoth-and egalitarian marriage becomes more nor- esis has centered on variation in educational mative,men may begin competing for highly homogamy,but it could easily be extended to educated,high-earning women just as women racial/ethnic and religious endogamy.A fruit-have traditionally competed for high-earning ful avenue of future research would be to in-men (e.g.,England Farkas 1986,Sweeney vestigate the extent to which increases inin- Cancian 2004).The increasing similarity termarriage by race/ethnicity and religion can of men's and women's preferences drives be explained by changing economic differences up competition for high-status partners and between these groups. results in increased homogamy.Thus,unlike the usual interpretation from the perspective of women,this hypothesis implies that declining Gender Inequality gender inequality increases homogamy. The economic inequality hypothesis is not From the perspective of women choosing explicitly gendered,but changes in inequality men,the evidence on whether love trumps between men and women likely play an im-money as gender inequality decreases is mixed. portant role in assortative mating.A central Trend studies show that the importance of argument in the sociological and demographic men's earnings for marriage has not declined 456 Sdrwartz
SO39CH22-Schwartz ARI 26 June 2013 15:20 segregation, and homogamy. Previous research has examined whether income segregation is associated with health and education outcomes, but findings from these studies are mixed (Lobmayer & Wilkinson 2002, Mayer 2001, Mayer & Sarin 2005). Linking segregation to assortative mating seems quite promising given that relationship formation is strongly rooted in space (McPherson et al. 2001). Despite some straightforward differences between the modernization and inequality hypotheses, few studies have empirically adjudicated between them. For instance, the two theories diverge with respect to predicted trends in sorting on social origins. With increased development, modernization theory predicts a decline in sorting on social origins, but growing US wealth inequality since the 1970s (Wolff 1998) suggests that the importance of sorting on social origins may have increased. Kalmijn (1991b) found weak evidence of a decline in social origin homogamy among couples married between 1927 and 1961, but no study has examined these trends since inequality began its steep rise. Additional studies of sorting on social origins would also be useful in addressing whether increases in educational homogamy in the United States reflect increased sorting on class background, or whether men and women sort on class background just as they always have even as educational homogamy has increased. Finally, interest in the inequality hypothesis has centered on variation in educational homogamy, but it could easily be extended to racial/ethnic and religious endogamy. A fruitful avenue of future research would be to investigate the extent to which increases in intermarriage by race/ethnicity and religion can be explained by changing economic differences between these groups. Gender Inequality The economic inequality hypothesis is not explicitly gendered, but changes in inequality between men and women likely play an important role in assortative mating. A central argument in the sociological and demographic literature on marriage is that, although Becker’s (1974, 1981) and Parsons’s (1949) theories about gender specialization may once have aptly characterized marital arrangements, marriage is an increasingly egalitarian and flexible institution (e.g., Cherlin 2004; Gerson 2010; Oppenheimer 1994, 1997). This argument underlies two main hypotheses about how changes in gender inequality affect matching: one framed from the perspective of women choosing men, and the other from the perspective of men choosing women. When women choose men, increases in women’s socioeconomic status relative to men’s should give women more freedom to choose their mates on nonpecuniary grounds (Oppenheimer & Lew 1995, Sweeney 2002). In other words, when choosing between “love or money,” women can afford to choose love (Fernandez et al. 2005). This hypothesis is ´ generally interpreted to imply less matching on socioeconomic resources, although it is not clear why this should necessarily be the case. For instance, because lifestyles, attitudes, and beliefs are associated with class position (Weeden & Grusky 2012), it may be that increases in women’s earnings facilitate a longer search, allowing women to find better matches on numerous characteristics. From the perspective of men choosing women, as women’s economic prospects grow and egalitarian marriage becomes more normative, men may begin competing for highly educated, high-earning women just as women have traditionally competed for high-earning men (e.g., England & Farkas 1986, Sweeney & Cancian 2004). The increasing similarity of men’s and women’s preferences drives up competition for high-status partners and results in increased homogamy. Thus, unlike the usual interpretation from the perspective of women, this hypothesis implies that declining gender inequality increases homogamy. From the perspective of women choosing men, the evidence on whether love trumps money as gender inequality decreases is mixed. Trend studies show that the importance of men’s earnings for marriage has not declined 456 Schwartz Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:451-470. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by Shanghai Jiaotong University on 09/27/16. For personal use only
(Buss et al.2001,Sweeney 2002).But have much higher educational attainment than Fernandez et al.(2005)found that educational women do,unless a substantial fraction of the homogamy tends to be lower in countries population remains unmarried,men will tend where women are relatively economically to marry women with less education than them- advantaged,consistent with the notion that selves(a pattern called hypergamy).Men's ed- love trumps money with decreasing gender ucational advantage has declined substantially inequality.A key difference between Fernandez around the world,and in many countries,in- et al.'s(2005)study and others is that it controls cluding the United States,wives now have on for general levels of inequality across countries. average more education than their husbands(a It is possible that the effects of economic pattern called hypogamy)(Esteve et al.2012). inequality trump those of gender inequality An exception to this pattern is Japan,where but that once economic inequality is controlled highly educated women appear to be avoiding for,the effects of gender inequality can be marriage in the face of a decline in the rela- Ajuo asn observed.Future studies should be mindful of tive supply of highly educated men(Raymo these potentially offsetting effects. Iwasawa 2005). From the perspective of men choosing women,strong and growing evidence sug- gests that women's money has become more Changes in the Structure of Search important.There is a growing expectation Other scholars focus on changes in the struc- that women will contribute to their families' ture of searching for a mate in explaining varia- economic well-being (Gerson 2010,South tion in assortative mating.Aprominent hypoth- 1991),and these expectations are reflected in esisis Mare's(1991)time gap hypothesis,which 宝 men's attitudes and behaviors.Men with high argues that educational homogamy varies as a earnings potential are more likely than in the function ofthe timing of marriage and ofschool past to marry women with high wages(Sweeney completion.Because schools are educationally Cancian 2004).They also attach increasing homogeneous institutions,couples who meet in importance to women's financial prospects,school and marry shortly thereafter should be education,and intelligence in their search for more likely to be educationally homogamous mates(Buss et al.2001).These changes may be than those who meet in other places,such as due to the rise of egalitarian marriage,but they work,bars and nightclubs,or neighborhoods could also be spurred by the increased need for Indeed,Mare (1991)finds that part of the in- women's contributions arising from increased crease in educational homogamy in the United childrearing costs,declining male wages,rising States between 1940 and 1987 can be explained Aold standards of living,and increased uncertainty by the narrowing time gap between school com- in men's and women's economic trajectories pletion and marriage. (Oppenheimer 1988,Sweeney 2002). More recent trends in the time gap are Because relationships involve two people,inconsistent with trends in educational ho- it is of course possible for both hypotheses mogamy in the United States.The time gap to be correct-women could care less about has increased since the early 1980s as increases men's money,and men could care more about in schooling have fallen behind increases in age women's.How this plays out into observed at first marriage,but homogamy has not de- matching patterns is the result of a complex clined as would be expected.The inconsistency interplay between the preferences of men and between recent trends in the time gap and ed- women and the availability of potential mates.ucational homogamy in the United States may Indeed,the discussion above focuses on shifts explain why this hypothesis has received sur- in men's and women's preferences,but reduc-prisingly little empirical attention.An excep- tions in gender inequality also affect matching tion is cross-national research showing that,in through changes in opportunities.When men many countries,homogamy rises with time out www.analreviews.orgTrends and Variation in Asortative Mating 457
SO39CH22-Schwartz ARI 26 June 2013 15:20 (Buss et al. 2001, Sweeney 2002). But Fernandez et al. (2005) found that educational ´ homogamy tends to be lower in countries where women are relatively economically advantaged, consistent with the notion that love trumps money with decreasing gender inequality. A key difference between Fernandez ´ et al.’s (2005) study and others is that it controls for general levels of inequality across countries. It is possible that the effects of economic inequality trump those of gender inequality but that once economic inequality is controlled for, the effects of gender inequality can be observed. Future studies should be mindful of these potentially offsetting effects. From the perspective of men choosing women, strong and growing evidence suggests that women’s money has become more important. There is a growing expectation that women will contribute to their families’ economic well-being (Gerson 2010, South 1991), and these expectations are reflected in men’s attitudes and behaviors. Men with high earnings potential are more likely than in the past to marry women with high wages (Sweeney & Cancian 2004). They also attach increasing importance to women’s financial prospects, education, and intelligence in their search for mates (Buss et al. 2001). These changes may be due to the rise of egalitarian marriage, but they could also be spurred by the increased need for women’s contributions arising from increased childrearing costs, declining male wages, rising standards of living, and increased uncertainty in men’s and women’s economic trajectories (Oppenheimer 1988, Sweeney 2002). Because relationships involve two people, it is of course possible for both hypotheses to be correct—women could care less about men’s money, and men could care more about women’s. How this plays out into observed matching patterns is the result of a complex interplay between the preferences of men and women and the availability of potential mates. Indeed, the discussion above focuses on shifts in men’s and women’s preferences, but reductions in gender inequality also affect matching through changes in opportunities. When men have much higher educational attainment than women do, unless a substantial fraction of the population remains unmarried, men will tend to marry women with less education than themselves (a pattern called hypergamy). Men’s educational advantage has declined substantially around the world, and in many countries, including the United States, wives now have on average more education than their husbands (a pattern called hypogamy) (Esteve et al. 2012). An exception to this pattern is Japan, where highly educated women appear to be avoiding marriage in the face of a decline in the relative supply of highly educated men (Raymo & Iwasawa 2005). Changes in the Structure of Search Other scholars focus on changes in the structure of searching for a mate in explaining variation in assortative mating. A prominent hypothesis is Mare’s (1991) time gap hypothesis, which argues that educational homogamy varies as a function of the timing of marriage and of school completion. Because schools are educationally homogeneous institutions, couples who meet in school and marry shortly thereafter should be more likely to be educationally homogamous than those who meet in other places, such as work, bars and nightclubs, or neighborhoods. Indeed, Mare (1991) finds that part of the increase in educational homogamy in the United States between 1940 and 1987 can be explained by the narrowing time gap between school completion and marriage. More recent trends in the time gap are inconsistent with trends in educational homogamy in the United States. The time gap has increased since the early 1980s as increases in schooling have fallen behind increases in age at first marriage, but homogamy has not declined as would be expected. The inconsistency between recent trends in the time gap and educational homogamy in the United States may explain why this hypothesis has received surprisingly little empirical attention. An exception is cross-national research showing that, in many countries, homogamy rises with time out www.annualreviews.org • Trends and Variation in Assortative Mating 457 Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:451-470. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by Shanghai Jiaotong University on 09/27/16. For personal use only
of school (inconsistent with the time gap hy-networking websites may have lengthened the pothesis)but then falls(as predicted by the hy-reach of schools as marriage markets further pothesis)(Blossfeld Timm 2003).Another into adulthood (Ellison et al.2007).Social exception is an interesting study by Shafer networking websites may also facilitate the Qian (2010),which shows that the association expansion of social contacts along homophilous between the time gap and homogamy differs lines so that even partners who do not meet in by sex.As men spend more time out of school,school may match with someone who attended they are less likely to form educationally ho-a school with characteristics similar to those of mogamous unions,but women become more their own (Arum et al.2008).In addition,in- likely to avoid marriage altogether rather than ternet dating websites and social media reduce "marry down."This is consistent with inter-the costs of search,making it possible to find a net dating studies showing that women have a better and possibly more homogamous match. greater aversion to“marrying down'”in edu- By contrast,the dominant view in studies of cation than men do (Hitsch et al.2010).Black new technologies is that the internet promotes women,in particular,are more likely to remain diversity rather sameness because of increased unmarried than marry a man with less educa-contact with people from different backgrounds tion (Lichter et al.1995).Thus,the effect of and the reduced influence of third parties(e.g., the time gap may be more complex than origi- Hampton et al.2011,Rosenfeld Thomas nally outlined,varying by sex,race,and age.Fu-2012).Despite these arguments,what is per- ture research is needed to determine how these haps most striking about the internet dating complexities map onto variation in educational literature is how closely people's stated prefer- homogamy over time and place. ences for mates match what would be expected It is possible that the time gap hypothesis on the basis of observed matches in the gen- fits the meeting and marriage patterns of the eral population (Feliciano et al.2009,Hitsch 1940s through the 1980s but that this link has et al.2010).This suggests that matches formed become weaker with the changing structure of through the internet may not differ substan- search.With increased residential and occu-tially from those formed in other ways,but re- pational segregation by socioeconomic status search on how technology changes the nature (Hellerstein et al.2008,Reardon Bischoff of marriage markets and romantic relationships 2011)and reduced sex segregation at work is in its infancy. (Padavic Reskin 2002),young people may be nearly as likely to find a homogamous mate at a local bar or at work as they once were at school. Other Demographic Changes These processes may also work differently Demographic changes such as increasing by class.Recent evidence suggests that the cohabitation,rising divorce and remarriage, expansion of education has created a marriage and declining marriage rates may affect com- market mismatch for college students from less parisons of spousal resemblance across time advantaged backgrounds.Because college stu- and place(Schwartz Mare 2012).A common dents in general are still relatively advantaged, question is whether the rise of cohabitation can disadvantaged students who attend college may explain observed trends in assortative mating. face restricted partner markets and may also be This could occur if,for example,cohabita- hesitant to marry someone with less education tion weeds out heterogamous couples who upon returning home (Musick et al.2012). would have married in its absence(Blackwell Changes in dating technology may also Lichter 2000,2004).With respect to education, affect the structure of search.One possibility scholars have found little evidence of a weeding is that new technologies increase homogamy.mechanism-cohabitors who split up and The ability of individuals to keep in touch with those who marry are very similar with respect their school friends using cell phones and social to their educational resemblance (Goldstein 458 Sdrwartz
SO39CH22-Schwartz ARI 26 June 2013 15:20 of school (inconsistent with the time gap hypothesis) but then falls (as predicted by the hypothesis) (Blossfeld & Timm 2003). Another exception is an interesting study by Shafer & Qian (2010), which shows that the association between the time gap and homogamy differs by sex. As men spend more time out of school, they are less likely to form educationally homogamous unions, but women become more likely to avoid marriage altogether rather than “marry down.” This is consistent with internet dating studies showing that women have a greater aversion to “marrying down” in education than men do (Hitsch et al. 2010). Black women, in particular, are more likely to remain unmarried than marry a man with less education (Lichter et al. 1995). Thus, the effect of the time gap may be more complex than originally outlined, varying by sex, race, and age. Future research is needed to determine how these complexities map onto variation in educational homogamy over time and place. It is possible that the time gap hypothesis fits the meeting and marriage patterns of the 1940s through the 1980s but that this link has become weaker with the changing structure of search. With increased residential and occupational segregation by socioeconomic status (Hellerstein et al. 2008, Reardon & Bischoff 2011) and reduced sex segregation at work (Padavic & Reskin 2002), young people may be nearly as likely to find a homogamous mate at a local bar or at work as they once were at school. These processes may also work differently by class. Recent evidence suggests that the expansion of education has created a marriage market mismatch for college students from less advantaged backgrounds. Because college students in general are still relatively advantaged, disadvantaged students who attend college may face restricted partner markets and may also be hesitant to marry someone with less education upon returning home (Musick et al. 2012). Changes in dating technology may also affect the structure of search. One possibility is that new technologies increase homogamy. The ability of individuals to keep in touch with their school friends using cell phones and social networking websites may have lengthened the reach of schools as marriage markets further into adulthood (Ellison et al. 2007). Social networking websites may also facilitate the expansion of social contacts along homophilous lines so that even partners who do not meet in school may match with someone who attended a school with characteristics similar to those of their own (Arum et al. 2008). In addition, internet dating websites and social media reduce the costs of search, making it possible to find a better and possibly more homogamous match. By contrast, the dominant view in studies of new technologies is that the internet promotes diversity rather sameness because of increased contact with people from different backgrounds and the reduced influence of third parties (e.g., Hampton et al. 2011, Rosenfeld & Thomas 2012). Despite these arguments, what is perhaps most striking about the internet dating literature is how closely people’s stated preferences for mates match what would be expected on the basis of observed matches in the general population (Feliciano et al. 2009, Hitsch et al. 2010). This suggests that matches formed through the internet may not differ substantially from those formed in other ways, but research on how technology changes the nature of marriage markets and romantic relationships is in its infancy. Other Demographic Changes Demographic changes such as increasing cohabitation, rising divorce and remarriage, and declining marriage rates may affect comparisons of spousal resemblance across time and place (Schwartz & Mare 2012). A common question is whether the rise of cohabitation can explain observed trends in assortative mating. This could occur if, for example, cohabitation weeds out heterogamous couples who would have married in its absence (Blackwell & Lichter 2000, 2004).With respect to education, scholars have found little evidence of a weeding mechanism—cohabitors who split up and those who marry are very similar with respect to their educational resemblance (Goldstein 458 Schwartz Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2013.39:451-470. Downloaded from www.annualreviews.org Access provided by Shanghai Jiaotong University on 09/27/16. For personal use only