TURNER■ STETS TABLE 2 Control strategies enumerated by symbolic-interactionist theories Behavioral strategies 2. Seek to convince others to accept behavior and the meaning it implies, and thus confirm self. 3. Withdraw from situations in which self is not confirmed Cognitive strategies 1. Change self and identity standards by which self is judged 2. Move unconfirmed identity down in the hierarchy of prominence or salience 3. Selectively perceive or interpret gestures of others so as to verify an identity 4. Repress negative emotions that arise when self is not verified 5. Make external attributions that blame others. the situation or social structure for failure to verify self. Sources: Burke(1991). McCall Simmons(1978). Scheff(2000), Stryker (2004). Turner(2002) standard. Conversely, if self has been verified, behavior, self-perceptions, and the identity standard continue uninterrupted, and self experiences positive emotion In some variants of symbolic interactionist theories, an identity hierarchy is emphasized. When an identity is verified, it moves up the"salience"(Stryker 1980, 2004)or"prominence"(McCall Simmons 1978)hierarchy, with identities high in the hierarchy more likely to be presented than those lower in the hierarchy When individuals receive disconfirming feedback, however, negative emotional arousal pushes them to pursue one or more of the strategies listed in Table 2. when an identity is consistently disconfirmed, it moves down the salience or prominence hierarchy, particularly if an individual cannot leave the situation. Alternatively, a person may change the identity presented or the identity standard by which perceptions of self in the situation are compared (Burke 1991, 1996) Some symbolic interactionist theories extend the basic argument about control systems beyond a person's cognitions about self to include cognitions about the dentities of others, the role behaviors of others, and the setting in which identi- ties are presented and roles played. For example, in affect control theory(Heise 1977, 1979, 1989; Smith-Lovin 1990; Smith-Lovin Heise 1988), individuals re seen as motivated to keep transient meanings in the situation in line with the more general fundamental meanings about self, other, behavior, and the situation When fundamental and transient meanings reveal a deflection or contradiction the emotion that results depends on the transient meaning and its direction of change from the original, fundamental location. For example, if the transient meaning is more positive than the fundamental meaning, individuals feel more positive(for a positive identity) or less negative( for a negative identity) than they would feel if the identity were confirmed. In this way, emotion signals how events in the situation are maintaining (or not maintaining)meanings. Most symbolic interactionist theories emphasize that these Gestalt dynamics operate to bring identities, cognitions, cultural prescriptions, and social structure
31 May 2006 17:32 AR ANRV280-SO32-02.tex XMLPublishSM(2004/02/24) P1: JRX 30 TURNER STETS TABLE 2 Control strategies enumerated by symbolic-interactionist theories Behavioral strategies 1. Change behavior to obtain confirming responses from others. 2. Seek to convince others to accept behavior and the meaning it implies, and thus confirm self. 3. Withdraw from situations in which self is not confirmed. Cognitive strategies 1. Change self and identity standards by which self is judged. 2. Move unconfirmed identity down in the hierarchy of prominence or salience. 3. Selectively perceive or interpret gestures of others so as to verify an identity. 4. Repress negative emotions that arise when self is not verified. 5. Make external attributions that blame others, the situation, or social structure for failure to verify self. Sources: Burke (1991), McCall & Simmons (1978), Scheff (2000), Stryker (2004), Turner (2002). standard. Conversely, if self has been verified, behavior, self-perceptions, and the identity standard continue uninterrupted, and self experiences positive emotion. In some variants of symbolic interactionist theories, an identity hierarchy is emphasized. When an identity is verified, it moves up the “salience” (Stryker 1980, 2004) or “prominence” (McCall & Simmons 1978) hierarchy, with identities high in the hierarchy more likely to be presented than those lower in the hierarchy. When individuals receive disconfirming feedback, however, negative emotional arousal pushes them to pursue one or more of the strategies listed in Table 2. When an identity is consistently disconfirmed, it moves down the salience or prominence hierarchy, particularly if an individual cannot leave the situation. Alternatively, a person may change the identity presented or the identity standard by which perceptions of self in the situation are compared (Burke 1991, 1996). Some symbolic interactionist theories extend the basic argument about control systems beyond a person’s cognitions about self to include cognitions about the identities of others, the role behaviors of others, and the setting in which identities are presented and roles played. For example, in affect control theory (Heise 1977, 1979, 1989; Smith-Lovin 1990; Smith-Lovin & Heise 1988), individuals are seen as motivated to keep transient meanings in the situation in line with the more general fundamental meanings about self, other, behavior, and the situation. When fundamental and transient meanings reveal a deflection or contradiction, the emotion that results depends on the transient meaning and its direction of change from the original, fundamental location. For example, if the transient meaning is more positive than the fundamental meaning, individuals feel more positive (for a positive identity) or less negative (for a negative identity) than they would feel if the identity were confirmed. In this way, emotion signals how events in the situation are maintaining (or not maintaining) meanings. Most symbolic interactionist theories emphasize that these Gestalt dynamics operate to bring identities, cognitions, cultural prescriptions, and social structure Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2006.32:25-52. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 11/14/07. For personal use only.
SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF HUMAN EMOTIONS 31 into line. When individuals cannot confirm an identity, they leave the situation, or, if they cannot leave, they change their behaviors, change their self-perceptions or change their identity to conform to cultural expectations in a situation. Those identities that cannot be verified move down the prominence or salience hierarchy, whereas those identities that are verified move up in the hierarchy(Mc Call be confirmed and that conform to cultural expectations, then identities, behavioral outputs, and perceptual inputs become increasingly congruent over time More psychoanalytic versions of symbolic interactionist theorizing emphasize that these Gestalt dynamics pushing for congruence among self, behaviors, self- perceptions, social structure, and culture can be interrupted by the activation of fensive behaviors. Individuals can selectively perceive the responses they can selectively interpret these responses; they can make external attributions that blame others for the failure to confirm self or identity; or they can bypass and repress negative emotions, such as shame and guilt, to the point where the individual remains unaware of the negative emotions arising from the failure to verify self or live up to cultural expectations. These more psychoanalytical modes of theorizing( Scheff 1990, 1997; Turner 1999, 2002)emphasize that the arousal of negative emotions, particularly shame and guilt, is highly painful and, hence, ikely to drive individuals to defensive behaviors that interrupt the feedback loop from the responses of others. As aresult, cognitions and behaviors are not corrected when encountering negative feedback, leading individuals to engage in patholog ical behaviors that sustain incongruence among self, behavior, perceptions, social structure, and culture and that can decrease interpersonal attunement among in- dividuals(Scheff 1988). When negative emotions are repressed, they increase in intensity and often become transmuted into new kinds of emotions that further dis- upt normal interaction(Turner 2002). For example, in Scheff's(1988)extension of Lewis's(1971)insights, repressed shame often becomes transmuted into anger when it is not acknowledged. In Turner's(2002)theory, repressed shame, guilt, and anxiety lead to sudden spikes of these emotions that break social bonds and breach social situations. Moreover, when individuals repress negative emotions, they are more likely to make external attributions and blame others, the situation, or more inclusive structures for their negative emotional arousal, thereby breaching social bonds and commitments to social situations From the perspective of these more psychoanalytic theories, individuals can be come locked into cycles of ever-escalating negative emotional arousal, repression, sudden outbursts of intense or transmuted versions of the repressed emotions, shame and guilt for having lost emotional control, more repression of negative S, and so on in a cycle that can lead to severe behavioral pathology(Scheff 1988). Moreover, if the structure and culture of a society cause larger segments of opulation to repress shame(and perhaps other negative emotions), this populati an be mobilized collectively to feel anger and to pursue violence, whether exte nal warfare or internal prosecution of perceived enemies(Scheff 1994, Scheff Retzinger 1991). These kinds of psychoanalytic additions offer a useful corrective
31 May 2006 17:32 AR ANRV280-SO32-02.tex XMLPublishSM(2004/02/24) P1: JRX SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF HUMAN EMOTIONS 31 into line. When individuals cannot confirm an identity, they leave the situation, or, if they cannot leave, they change their behaviors, change their self-perceptions, or change their identity to conform to cultural expectations in a situation. Those identities that cannot be verified move down the prominence or salience hierarchy, whereas those identities that are verified move up in the hierarchy (McCall & Simmons 1978, Stryker 1980). As individuals present only those identities that can be confirmed and that conform to cultural expectations, then identities, behavioral outputs, and perceptual inputs become increasingly congruent over time. More psychoanalytic versions of symbolic interactionist theorizing emphasize that these Gestalt dynamics pushing for congruence among self, behaviors, selfperceptions, social structure, and culture can be interrupted by the activation of defensive behaviors. Individuals can selectively perceive the responses of others; they can selectively interpret these responses; they can make external attributions that blame others for the failure to confirm self or identity; or they can bypass and repress negative emotions, such as shame and guilt, to the point where the individual remains unaware of the negative emotions arising from the failure to verify self or live up to cultural expectations. These more psychoanalytical modes of theorizing (Scheff 1990, 1997; Turner 1999, 2002) emphasize that the arousal of negative emotions, particularly shame and guilt, is highly painful and, hence, is likely to drive individuals to defensive behaviors that interrupt the feedback loop from the responses of others. As a result, cognitions and behaviors are not corrected when encountering negative feedback, leading individuals to engage in pathological behaviors that sustain incongruence among self, behavior, perceptions, social structure, and culture and that can decrease interpersonal attunement among individuals (Scheff 1988). When negative emotions are repressed, they increase in intensity and often become transmuted into new kinds of emotions that further disrupt normal interaction (Turner 2002). For example, in Scheff’s (1988) extension of Lewis’s (1971) insights, repressed shame often becomes transmuted into anger when it is not acknowledged. In Turner’s (2002) theory, repressed shame, guilt, and anxiety lead to sudden spikes of these emotions that break social bonds and breach social situations. Moreover, when individuals repress negative emotions, they are more likely to make external attributions and blame others, the situation, or more inclusive structures for their negative emotional arousal, thereby breaching social bonds and commitments to social situations. From the perspective of these more psychoanalytic theories, individuals can become locked into cycles of ever-escalating negative emotional arousal, repression, sudden outbursts of intense or transmuted versions of the repressed emotions, shame and guilt for having lost emotional control, more repression of negative emotions, and so on in a cycle that can lead to severe behavioral pathology (Scheff 1988). Moreover, if the structure and culture of a society cause larger segments of a population to repress shame (and perhaps other negative emotions), this population can be mobilized collectively to feel anger and to pursue violence, whether external warfare or internal prosecution of perceived enemies (Scheff 1994, Scheff & Retzinger 1991). These kinds of psychoanalytic additions offer a useful corrective Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2006.32:25-52. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 11/14/07. For personal use only
TURNER■ STETS to the highly cognitive conceptualizations of self and identity in most symbol interactionist theories At the most general level, symbolic interactionist theories(with the exe affect control theory) are guided by the following generalizations 1. The more salient an identity is in a situation, the more likely individuals are to emit gestures and behaviors that conform to standards established by this 2. The more an identity is verified by the responses of others, the more likely a person is to experience positive emotions such as pride, happiness, and atisfaction; the more often this identity is verified, the higher it is placed in the prominence or salience hierarchy. 3. The less an identity is verified by the responses of others, the more likely a person is to experience negative emotions such as embarrassment, shame, and guilt; the more intense these negative emotions are, the more this person will attempt to bring into congruence behavior marking an identity, perceptions of others'responses, and cultural standards of evaluat 4. The more an individual experiences negative emotional arousal from the failure to verify an identity, the greater the likelihood that this person will adopt defensive strategies; the more intense the negative emotions a person experiences, the more likely the person is to employ repression and external attributions as defensive strategies 5. The more that individuals have employed repression as a defensive strategy in the past, the more likely that the negative emotions aroused and repressed will (a) increase in intensity, (b) transmute into new kinds of negative emotions like (c)erupt in sudden spikes of negative emotions that disrupt 6. The more that individuals have been able to verify self and identities in situation, the more likely that identities, behavioral outputs, perceptual inputs, normative expectations, and sentiments about self, other, roles, and the situation will converge and reveal congruity Interaction Ritual Theories This group of theories draws from Durkheim's(1965[1912)secondary analysis of early descriptions of Australian aboriginals who periodically gathered in and around Alice Springs. Such gatherings led to animated and effervescent interaction, a common focus of attention, rhythmic movement of bodies, heightened emotions and an emerging sense of an external power or mana guiding thoughts and actions As a result, aborigines developed totems to symbolize this power of the gods; and when rituals were directed at the totems, emotional arousal ensued. Religion was thus the worship of the collective organization among individuals. Goffman (1959, 1967)was the first sociologist to recognize that the elements of Durkheim's
31 May 2006 17:32 AR ANRV280-SO32-02.tex XMLPublishSM(2004/02/24) P1: JRX 32 TURNER STETS to the highly cognitive conceptualizations of self and identity in most symbolic interactionist theories. At the most general level, symbolic interactionist theories (with the exception of affect control theory) are guided by the following generalizations: 1. The more salient an identity is in a situation, the more likely individuals are to emit gestures and behaviors that conform to standards established by this identity. 2. The more an identity is verified by the responses of others, the more likely a person is to experience positive emotions such as pride, happiness, and satisfaction; the more often this identity is verified, the higher it is placed in the prominence or salience hierarchy. 3. The less an identity is verified by the responses of others, the more likely a person is to experience negative emotions such as embarrassment, shame, and guilt; the more intense these negative emotions are, the more this person will attempt to bring into congruence behavior marking an identity, perceptions of others’ responses, and cultural standards of evaluation. 4. The more an individual experiences negative emotional arousal from the failure to verify an identity, the greater the likelihood that this person will adopt defensive strategies; the more intense the negative emotions a person experiences, the more likely the person is to employ repression and external attributions as defensive strategies. 5. The more that individuals have employed repression as a defensive strategy in the past, the more likely that the negative emotions aroused and repressed will (a) increase in intensity, (b) transmute into new kinds of negative emotions like anger, and (c) erupt in sudden spikes of negative emotions that disrupt and breach interactions. 6. The more that individuals have been able to verify self and identities in a situation, the more likely that identities, behavioral outputs, perceptual inputs, normative expectations, and sentiments about self, other, roles, and the situation will converge and reveal congruity. Interaction Ritual Theories This group of theories draws from Durkheim’s (1965 [1912]) secondary analysis of early descriptions of Australian aboriginals who periodically gathered in and around Alice Springs. Such gatherings led to animated and effervescent interaction, a common focus of attention, rhythmic movement of bodies, heightened emotions, and an emerging sense of an external power or mana guiding thoughts and actions. As a result, aborigines developed totems to symbolize this power of the gods; and when rituals were directed at the totems, emotional arousal ensued. Religion was thus the worship of the collective organization among individuals. Goffman (1959, 1967) was the first sociologist to recognize that the elements of Durkheim’s Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2006.32:25-52. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 11/14/07. For personal use only.
SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF HUMAN EMOTIONS analysis operate every time individuals interact in face-to-face encounters. Collins (19 1, 2004)borrows from both Durkheim and Goffman to forge a more robust theory that seeks to explain the arousal of positive and negative emotional energy Collins(2004)distinguishes between two types of rituals: (a) polite and transient rituals such as greetings that arouse low-intensity positive emotional energy, and (b )more enduring emotions that develop from copresence, mutual awareness and attention, a common focus, a shared emotional mood, rhythmic synchronization of conversation and bodies, a representation of the focus and mood with symbols, and a sense of moral righteousness. In essence, Collins views what Goffman(1961 1967)had termed"the encounter"as a more inclusive interaction ritual revealing the elements enumerated by Durkheim In such interaction rituals, emotional en- rgy is built upon and is sustained across encounters that are strung together in time and space. In fact, Collins(1981)goes so far as to view such emotionally charged rituals as the microfoundations of macrostructures For interaction rituals to increase positive emotional energy, they must acti- vate all the key elements: first, the gathering of individuals in proximate space next, the emission of stereotyped greeting rituals that raise the level of transient emotions that, in turn, increase the shared mood and focus of attention; then the ensuing rhythmic synchronization of talk and bodies that increases collective ef fervescence, followed by rising levels of positive emotional energy. As positive emotional energy escalates, group solidarity increases, leading to symbolization of this solidarity, and with group symbols, particularized cultural capital consisting of the experiences of members in the group increases. Once symbols are built up, conversations or even thoughts reinvoke the symbols and, as a result, charge up the positive emotional energy. Conversely, when this sequence of ritual elements breaks down during the interaction, individuals experience much lower levels positive emotional energy. In fact, the level of emotional energy can turn negative and reduce group solidarity There is the assumption in interaction ritual theory that individuals always seek to maximize their emotional energy in an encounter and that they try to ncrease their stores of cultural capital that can either be particularized or unique to particular groups, or be generalized or acknowledged and understood by all in a ty. However, the capacity to increase positive emotional energy and augment cultural capital is mediated by power and status. Those with power and prestige are able to increase their positive emotional energy and reveal more commitment to group symbols and thus augment their cultural capital, whereas those with less power must give deference and, as a consequence, experience less positive and perhaps even negative emotional energy, leading to much less commitment to group symbol A more recent extension of Collins's theory by Summers-Effler(2002)tries to ccount for the fact that individuals are often trapped in interaction rituals in which they have little power and in which, as a result, they experience negative emotional energy, such as fear, anxiety, shame, and guilt. Under these conditions, individuals
31 May 2006 17:32 AR ANRV280-SO32-02.tex XMLPublishSM(2004/02/24) P1: JRX SOCIOLOGICAL THEORIES OF HUMAN EMOTIONS 33 analysis operate each and every time individuals interact in face-to-face encounters. Collins (1975, 1981, 2004) borrows from both Durkheim and Goffman to forge a more robust theory that seeks to explain the arousal of positive and negative emotional energy. Collins (2004) distinguishes between two types of rituals: (a) polite and transient rituals such as greetings that arouse low-intensity positive emotional energy, and (b) more enduring emotions that develop from copresence, mutual awareness and attention, a common focus, a shared emotional mood, rhythmic synchronization of conversation and bodies, a representation of the focus and mood with symbols, and a sense of moral righteousness. In essence, Collins views what Goffman (1961, 1967) had termed “the encounter” as a more inclusive interaction ritual revealing the elements enumerated by Durkheim. In such interaction rituals, emotional energy is built upon and is sustained across encounters that are strung together in time and space. In fact, Collins (1981) goes so far as to view such emotionally charged rituals as the microfoundations of macrostructures. For interaction rituals to increase positive emotional energy, they must activate all the key elements: first, the gathering of individuals in proximate space; next, the emission of stereotyped greeting rituals that raise the level of transient emotions that, in turn, increase the shared mood and focus of attention; then, the ensuing rhythmic synchronization of talk and bodies that increases collective effervescence, followed by rising levels of positive emotional energy. As positive emotional energy escalates, group solidarity increases, leading to symbolization of this solidarity, and with group symbols, particularized cultural capital consisting of the experiences of members in the group increases. Once symbols are built up, conversations or even thoughts reinvoke the symbols and, as a result, charge up the positive emotional energy. Conversely, when this sequence of ritual elements breaks down during the interaction, individuals experience much lower levels of positive emotional energy. In fact, the level of emotional energy can turn negative and reduce group solidarity. There is the assumption in interaction ritual theory that individuals always seek to maximize their emotional energy in an encounter and that they try to increase their stores of cultural capital that can either be particularized or unique to particular groups, or be generalized or acknowledged and understood by all in a society. However, the capacity to increase positive emotional energy and augment cultural capital is mediated by power and status. Those with power and prestige are able to increase their positive emotional energy and reveal more commitment to group symbols and thus augment their cultural capital, whereas those with less power must give deference and, as a consequence, experience less positive and perhaps even negative emotional energy, leading to much less commitment to group symbols. A more recent extension of Collins’s theory by Summers-Effler (2002) tries to account for the fact that individuals are often trapped in interaction rituals in which they have little power and in which, as a result, they experience negative emotional energy, such as fear, anxiety, shame, and guilt. Under these conditions, individuals Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2006.32:25-52. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 11/14/07. For personal use only
TURNER■ STETS dopt strategies revolving around minimizing the loss of emotional energy rather than maximizing positive emotional energy. Another extension by Summers-Effler (2004a, b)attempts to introduce elements of symbolic interactionism by arguing for he relevance of self as a critical element in rituals. When individuals experience positive emotional energy, their sense of self is enhanced, making them more likely to commit to group symbols When they experience negative emotional energy, self-esteem is lowered, which results in diminished commitment to group symbols nd in lowered levels of solidarity In sum, the Durkheim-Goffman lineage has inspired not only dramaturgical eorizing on emotions, but also a distinctive form of interaction ritual theory. The guiding generalizations from this latter approach include the following 1. The more that individuals are copresent and exchange greeting rituals, the more likely they will experience mild transient emotions, shared mood, and mutual focus of attention 2. The more that the conditions in item 1, above, persist, the more likely that talk and bodily gestures will fall into rhythmic synchronization, leading to a sense of collective effervescence that increases each participant's level o positive emotional energy. 3. The higher the level of emotional effervescence and the longer its duration, the greater will be the sense of group solidarity among participants and the more likely they will symbolize the emerging sense of solidarity 4. The more an interaction ritual leads to the symbolization of solidarity and the more this ritual is iterated over time, the more likely that symbols marking group solidarity will circulate among group members and increase the level of particularized cultural capital in the group 5. The more the conditions above are realized, the more likely that individuals in the group will have conversations among themselves that invoke group 6. The more that status and power differences prevail among participants in an interaction ritual, the greater high-status and high-power individuals emotional energy will be compared to that of low-status and low-power in- dividuals and the more likely high-status and high-power individuals wi develop commitments to group symbols and, thereby, augment their level of particularized cultural capital compared to low-status and low-power partic 7. The more that power and status are used in abusive and exploitive ways, the more those subject to such abuse will adopt strategies of minimizing the loss of positive emotional energy or, alternatively, minimizing the arousal of negative emotional energ 8. The more salient that self and identity dynamics are during an interaction ritual. the more intense all elements of the interaction ritual will become with confirmation of self and identity during the course of the ritual raising
31 May 2006 17:32 AR ANRV280-SO32-02.tex XMLPublishSM(2004/02/24) P1: JRX 34 TURNER STETS adopt strategies revolving around minimizing the loss of emotional energy rather than maximizing positive emotional energy. Another extension by Summers-Effler (2004a,b) attempts to introduce elements of symbolic interactionism by arguing for the relevance of self as a critical element in rituals. When individuals experience positive emotional energy, their sense of self is enhanced, making them more likely to commit to group symbols. When they experience negative emotional energy, self-esteem is lowered, which results in diminished commitment to group symbols and in lowered levels of solidarity. In sum, the Durkheim-Goffman lineage has inspired not only dramaturgical theorizing on emotions, but also a distinctive form of interaction ritual theory. The guiding generalizations from this latter approach include the following: 1. The more that individuals are copresent and exchange greeting rituals, the more likely they will experience mild transient emotions, shared mood, and mutual focus of attention. 2. The more that the conditions in item 1, above, persist, the more likely that talk and bodily gestures will fall into rhythmic synchronization, leading to a sense of collective effervescence that increases each participant’s level of positive emotional energy. 3. The higher the level of emotional effervescence and the longer its duration, the greater will be the sense of group solidarity among participants and the more likely they will symbolize the emerging sense of solidarity. 4. The more an interaction ritual leads to the symbolization of solidarity and the more this ritual is iterated over time, the more likely that symbols marking group solidarity will circulate among group members and increase the level of particularized cultural capital in the group. 5. The more the conditions above are realized, the more likely that individuals in the group will have conversations among themselves that invoke group symbols and, thereby, arouse positive emotional energy. 6. The more that status and power differences prevail among participants in an interaction ritual, the greater high-status and high-power individuals’ emotional energy will be compared to that of low-status and low-power individuals and the more likely high-status and high-power individuals will develop commitments to group symbols and, thereby, augment their level of particularized cultural capital compared to low-status and low-power participants. 7. The more that power and status are used in abusive and exploitive ways, the more those subject to such abuse will adopt strategies of minimizing the loss of positive emotional energy or, alternatively, minimizing the arousal of negative emotional energy. 8. The more salient that self and identity dynamics are during an interaction ritual, the more intense all elements of the interaction ritual will become, with confirmation of self and identity during the course of the ritual raising Annu. Rev. Sociol. 2006.32:25-52. Downloaded from arjournals.annualreviews.org by HARVARD UNIVERSITY on 11/14/07. For personal use only.