The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science http://ann.sagepub.com The Japanese History Textbook Controversy in East Asian Perspective laudi of Political and Social Science 2008;617:107 The ANNALS of the Amar The online version of this article can be found at: http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/617/1/107 Published by: SAGE http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: American Academy of Political and Social Science Additional services and intormation tor The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Sclence can be found at: Email Alerts:http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions:http://ann.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints:http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions:http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/617/1/107
http://ann.sagepub.com Science Academy of Political and Social The ANNALS of the American DOI: 10.1177/0002716208314359 The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 2008; 617; 107 Claudia Schneider The Japanese History Textbook Controversy in East Asian Perspective http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/617/1/107 The online version of this article can be found at: Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: American Academy of Political and Social Science Science can be found at: Additional services and information for The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Email Alerts: http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://ann.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations http://ann.sagepub.com/cgi/content/refs/617/1/107 Downloaded from http://ann.sagepub.com at Beijing Language and Culture University on May 9, 2009
and politically relevant"history problems"currently g中 societies at I The Japanese of c History shes,and renewe Textbook reign r in the region. Controversy in Keywords: dcion testbok East Asian Perspective Ag的rean ricocheted with a vengeance.The country is criticized in most of the history debates taking place in the region for failing to come to terms CLAUDIA SCHNEIDER involvement in the system of forced wartin prostitution,repeated attempts to justify the Asia-Pacific War,rulings denying state compen- sation for forced labor,and positive evaluations of the Japanese colonial period2 have periodi- cally put serious strains on Japan's relations Cludia Schneider is PhD a the stitute Her the hcne World:History Textbooks in Contemporary China chapters to edited volumes,most recently Contested D0L10.1177000271620s314359 ANNALS.AAPSS.617.May 2008 107
ANNALS, AAPSS, 617, May 2008 107 Controversy over the inadequate presentation of Japan’s colonial and wartime past in the country’s history textbooks is one of the most protracted, notorious, and politically relevant “history problems” currently troubling East Asia. This article provides an overview of the controversy’s evolution since 1982, situating it in changing domestic and regional contexts, analyzing its particularities and interrelations with other controversial issues, and evaluating its impacts on textbooks and societies at large. It shows how increased domestic and foreign scrutiny and contestation have triggered cycles of greater openness, conservative counterreactions, subsequent backlashes, and renewed debate in the field of textbooks and have overall contributed both to reinforcements and to reconsiderations of foreign relations in the region. Keywords: East Asia; history education; textbook controversies/debates A fter decades of relative respite, criticism of Japan’s colonial and wartime actions has ricocheted with a vengeance. The country is criticized in most of the history debates taking place in the region for failing to come to terms appropriately with its past. Issues like the visits of its prime ministers to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine, repeated denials of stateinvolvement in the system of forced wartime prostitution,1 repeated attempts to justify the Asia-Pacific War, rulings denying state compensation for forced labor, and positive evaluations of the Japanese colonial period 2 have periodically put serious strains on Japan’s relations The Japanese History Textbook Controversy in East Asian Perspective By CLAUDIA SCHNEIDER Claudia Schneider is a PhD candidate at the Institute of East Asian Studies at the University of Leipzig, Germany. Her thesis carries the working title “Reconfiguring National Stories in a Globalizing World: History Textbooks in Contemporary China, Taiwan, and Japan.” She has edited an issue of the journal International Textbook Research and contributed chapters to edited volumes, most recently Contested Views of a Common Past: Historical Revisionism in Contemporary East Asia (ed. Steffi Richter; Frankfurt, Germany: Campus). DOI: 10.1177/0002716208314359 Downloaded from http://ann.sagepub.com at Beijing Language and Culture University on May 9, 2009
10s THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY with its most important neighbors,the People's Republic of China and the Republic of Korea,and have reinforced Japan's inte rnational image as a non- apo cold war alliance made it possible to leave many war-related qu estion providing a lingering source of debat etween Japan and ne that see themselves as its victims.It was not until the 1980s,and particular rly the 1990s.that many of these issues became contested.This article provides an overview of one of the most prolonged and notorious issues:the so-called "text- book controversy,"the debates surrounding the treatment- -essentially the non- erage-of lapanese wartime behavior in the country's history textbo ersy is worth studying for various reasons.It is a prism of the power in the regior ety relations and prevailing nation well as the heightened significance of the past for the present the global"memory boom."It also holds a particular place among the region's numerous history debates:textbooks serve as one of the important arenas where the past,as well as a country's image of itself and others,is contested.The per- ceived characteristics of school textbooks make the controversy particularly com plex and difficult to solve.The controversy has had far-reachi g implications that go bey ond the the issue has been both a part of anc use for onfli atic and alar level ecognizing tha a short article cannot pro omprehensive,in-depth analysis,I seek to achieve three objectives:First,I show the issu es appearance and tic and international contexts of lapanese.Chinese.and south korean politics focusing on the media,governments,and citizen movements as influential actors. I then examine the textbook issue's connections with,and particularities vis-a-vis other controversial history issues and explore why textbooks ch heated debates.Fi ally I seek to that the controve on te the ha ng of the nected but divided hist tory in br roader terms.In East Asia.hi ory text books have been important in shaping mutual perceptions and images of the twen- tieth century-perhaps more outside than inside the classroom. Emergence and Evolution The textbook controversy has a long narrative in Japan's domestic politics of history.In 1955,conservative politicians called then-existing history textbooks tho then textbooks have (at is po ints)been the object o ween the Democratic Party [LDP]and its predecessors)and"progressive forces,composed mainly of left-leaning intellectuals,academics,and schoolteachers supported by
with its most important neighbors, the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Korea,3 and have reinforced Japan’s international image as a nonapologist.4 The cold war alliance made it possible to leave many war-related questions unresolved, providing a lingering source of debate between Japan and neighbors that see themselves as its victims. It was not until the 1980s, and particularly the 1990s, that many of these issues became contested. This article provides an overview of one of the most prolonged and notorious issues: the so-called “textbook controversy,” the debates surrounding the treatment—essentially the noncoverage—of Japanese wartime behavior in the country’s history textbooks. The controversy is worth studying for various reasons. It is a prism of the changes in East Asia over the past two decades, attesting to altered distribution of power in the region, changed state–society relations and prevailing national self-images, as well as the heightened significance of the past for the present— the global “memory boom.” It also holds a particular place among the region’s numerous history debates: textbooks serve as one of the important arenas where the past, as well as a country’s image of itself and others, is contested. The perceived characteristics of school textbooks make the controversy particularly complex and difficult to solve. The controversy has had far-reaching implications that go beyond the realms of textbook content—the issue has been both a part of and a cause for conflicts on both the diplomatic and popular levels. Recognizing that a short article cannot provide a comprehensive, in-depth analysis, I seek to achieve three objectives: First, I show the issue’s appearance and periodic recurrence to be the result of specific conditions and shifts in the domestic and international contexts of Japanese, Chinese, and South Korean politics, focusing on the media, governments, and citizen movements as influential actors. I then examine the textbook issue’s connections with, and particularities vis-à-vis, other controversial history issues and explore why textbooks per se have generated such heated debates. Finally, I seek to provide insights into the ambiguous impacts that the controversies have had on textbook content and on the handling of the region’s connected but divided history in broader terms. In East Asia, history textbooks have been important in shaping mutual perceptions and images of the twentieth century—perhaps more outside than inside the classroom. Emergence and Evolution The textbook controversy has a long narrative in Japan’s domestic politics of history. In 1955, conservative politicians called then-existing history textbooks “deplorable,” arguing that they reflected anti-Japanese and pro-Chinese leftist thought, and since then textbooks have (at various points) been the object of heated debates between the conservative establishment (the governing Liberal Democratic Party [LDP] and its predecessors) and “progressive” forces, composed mainly of left-leaning intellectuals, academics, and schoolteachers supported by 108 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY Downloaded from http://ann.sagepub.com at Beijing Language and Culture University on May 9, 2009
THE JAPANESE HISTORY TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSY IN EAST ASIAN PERSPECTIVE 109 the formerly influential Japan Teachers'Union.While bureaucrats at the Ministry of Education (MOE)consider themselves neutral in these debates (Dierkes 2005),they have been arguably partial arbiters.Textbook accounts of Japan's his- tory have long been predominantly conservative.The MOE generally sides with .the long-asting trials that the progressive historian len inst the MOE and the Japanese govemment the cens orship he d as a textbook author The transt rmation of hi into objects of interational debate dates from the summer of 1982.It was triggered by news reports that the Japanese MOE had ordered history textbook authors to make various revisions, most notoriously changing the term "aggression/invasion"into"advancement"to describe Japanese military action in northeast China in the 1930s.This particular news item was a canard:apparently there had been no such request during that round of state textbook a ral disposition of this ort did exist.and it wa closely watched rep spapers but the t.until ted by Japa spilled acro co borde until t Japan's neig n to become vo not onl was textbook coverage of Japanese military action rather evasive,the dominant consciousness in Japan was not primarily that of having been an aggressor toward Asian countries,but rather of having been a victim-principally of American atomic)bombing This first affair displayed various characteristics that would mark those that followed.First,it w ped by the mass media per reports ofter nount of bo eflecting cross-a y newsp fide but unex text,con ducive to producing in debates. Secon was furthered by specific domestic conditions and was,or became,part of dis cussions on larger domestic issues.Earlier in Japan,a conservative"patriotic edu- cation"campaign had begun to gather momentum.Discussions in South Korea stimulated sensitive issues of democratization and decreased dependency on Japan,leading the authoritarian gov ras facing and felt oblige nd his ical front with ation" R0se199s.72.77. hird.the isst became both a source of a a potential challenge to government legitimacy.In Japan,where the issue had already taken root,the hapless way the goverment handled it left such major domestic actors as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA)and the MOE dissatisfied and contributed indirectly to Prime Minister Suzuki zenko's resignation.For the Chinese and South korea overnments it became l art of the"history card"(Yang 2002)-a tool available for shami ing.pres nd o gover e MOE's addition to the cri teria for te extbook authorizatio s the Japanes of what ame to lled the“Neighb Countries Clause."It stipulated that consideration should be given to neighbor ing countries'perspectives,somewhat facilitating the inclusion of more critical
the formerly influential Japan Teachers’ Union. While bureaucrats at the Ministry of Education (MOE)5 consider themselves neutral in these debates (Dierkes 2005), they have been arguably partial arbiters. Textbook accounts of Japan’s history have long been predominantly conservative. The MOE generally sides with the conservative camp, as evidenced in the long-lasting trials that the progressive historian Ienaga Saburô fought against the MOE and the Japanese government over the censorship he encountered as a textbook author.6 The transformation of history textbooks into objects of international debate dates from the summer of 1982. It was triggered by news reports that the Japanese MOE had ordered history textbook authors to make various revisions, most notoriously changing the term “aggression/invasion” into “advancement” to describe Japanese military action in northeast China in the 1930s. This particular news item was a canard: apparently there had been no such request during that round of state textbook approvals. A general disposition of this sort did exist, and it was closely watched and duly reported by Japanese newspapers; but the story had not, until 1982, spilled across the country’s borders. Japan’s neighbors, up until then refraining from complaint, now had reason to become vocal: not only was textbook coverage of Japanese military action rather evasive, the dominant consciousness in Japan was not primarily that of having been an aggressor toward Asian countries, but rather of having been a victim—principally of American (atomic) bombing. This first affair displayed various characteristics that would mark those that followed.7 First, it was triggered and shaped by the mass media, mainly newspaper reports often reflecting cross-national interaction.8 It also included a certain amount of bona fide but unexamined mutual copying of portions of text, conducive to producing inaccuracies that further enlarged the debates. Second, it was furthered by specific domestic conditions and was, or became, part of discussions on larger domestic issues. Earlier in Japan, a conservative “patriotic education” campaign had begun to gather momentum. Discussions in South Korea stimulated sensitive issues of democratization and decreased dependency on Japan, leading the authoritarian government of Chun Doo-hwan to initiate tighter press control. In China, Deng Xiaoping was facing power struggles with “old guards” in the army and felt obliged to mend his crumbling ideological front with a campaign for “socialist spiritual civilization” (Rose 1998, 72-77). Third, the issue became both a source of and a potential challenge to government legitimacy. In Japan, where the issue had already taken root, the hapless way the government handled it left such major domestic actors as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and the MOE dissatisfied and contributed indirectly to Prime Minister Suzuki Zenkô’s resignation. For the Chinese and South Korean governments, it became part of the “history card” (Yang 2002)—a tool available for shaming, pressuring, and gaining leverage on the Japanese government. An immediate result of the affair was the Japanese MOE’s addition to the criteria for textbook authorization of what came to be called the “Neighboring Countries Clause.” It stipulated that consideration should be given to neighboring countries’ perspectives, somewhat facilitating the inclusion of more critical THE JAPANESE HISTORY TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSY IN EAST ASIAN PERSPECTIVE 109 Downloaded from http://ann.sagepub.com at Beijing Language and Culture University on May 9, 2009
110 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY passages into textbooks.The clause has been a source of discontent for conserv- ht-wing forces who biit i a sign that thepeo internal affairs. of the One suc conservative counterre action led to the second major textbool debate.In March 196 high school history textbook for seniors,created by the National Committee for the Protection of Japan and titled New History of Japan, received official approval.As in the first debate,reactions from Seoul were stronger than those from Beijing.which,for internal reasons,instructed its mass media once more to refrain from a campaign(Whiting 1989,57-64).While the debate again put the Japanese prime minister in a difficult position between diplomatic n one s d do oyalties and b rea insight in outlo tic apanes politica nent.When asked about the textbook problem. hen-Minister of Education Fujio Masayuki made insensitive comments about the Nanjing Massacre,the Yasukuni Shrine,and Japanese actions in Korea(Rose 1998,185).While he had to resign,like many of his peers who were guilty of sim- ilar slips of the tongue,the incident nonetheless confirmed the im pression of general aw solved issu the war increas ed a role of Japan vict zer penet usnes more deeply (Seraphim 2006,34).A short period of non-LDP rule also brought a more forth right official attitude.In 1993.Prime Minister Hosokawa acknowledged that Japan had conducted a war of aggression.And in 1995,a resolution in the Diet and a statement on August 15 by Hosokawa's successor,Prime Minister Murayama,contained formal expressions of apology and regret(Rose 2005,19. 60;for excerpts of the statement by Murayam 135-36).Although highly ements have not officially retreated. In the eves of and right-wingers.these tectonic shifts in Japanese politics of history were a cause for concern. nized to counter this trend."They both contributed to and profited from a turn toward a defensive and defiant nationalism among parts of the Japanese popula- tion.As the long period of strong economic growth ended in the early 1990s.the new defiant nationalism was fed by feelings of insecurity and frustration,in par- ticular vis-a-vis a rising China.The conser vatives'activities spanned a wide rang academic e broad rudely nationalist ma app ealing to mitted a“masochistic One such group,established in late 1996 and tellingly named Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform,or Tsukuru-kai,produced a junior high textbook titled New History Textbook.It presents a peculiar version of Japan's history,marked by a statist,at times even militaristic nationalism,buttressed by an insular and self-affirming perspective on Japan,an underlying West-centrism,and an often
passages into textbooks. The clause has been a source of discontent for conservative/right-wing forces who believe it is a sign that the Japanese are succumbing to diplomatic pressure on genuinely internal affairs. They lobby for the deletion of the clause (Rose 2005, 59). One such conservative counterreaction led to the second major textbook debate. In March 1986, a high school history textbook for seniors, created by the National Committee for the Protection of Japan and titled New History of Japan, received official approval. As in the first debate, reactions from Seoul were stronger than those from Beijing, which, for internal reasons, instructed its mass media once more to refrain from a campaign (Whiting 1989, 57-64). While the debate again put the Japanese prime minister in a difficult position between diplomatic imperatives on one side and domestic loyalties and bureaucratic procedures on the other, it also provided insight into the conservative outlook of the Japanese political establishment. When asked about the textbook problem, then–Minister of Education Fujio Masayuki made insensitive comments about the Nanjing Massacre, the Yasukuni Shrine, and Japanese actions in Korea (Rose 1998, 185). While he had to resign, like many of his peers who were guilty of similar slips of the tongue, the incident nonetheless confirmed the impression of Japan as unrepentant toward its neighbors. The 1990s saw a number of significant changes. In Japan, general awareness of unresolved issues and Japanese responsibility in the war increased,9 and the role of Japan as victimizer penetrated public consciousness more deeply (Seraphim 2006, 34). A short period of non-LDP rule also brought a more forthright official attitude. In 1993, Prime Minister Hosokawa acknowledged that Japan had conducted a war of aggression. And in 1995, a resolution in the Diet and a statement on August 15 by Hosokawa’s successor, Prime Minister Murayama, contained formal expressions of apology and regret (Rose 2005, 19, 60; for excerpts of the statement by Murayama, see pp. 135-36). Although highly contested at the time, they have established a baseline from which Japanese governments have not officially retreated. In the eyes of conservatives and right-wingers, these tectonic shifts in Japanese politics of history were a cause for concern. Various revisionist groups were organized to counter this trend.10 They both contributed to and profited from a turn toward a defensive and defiant nationalism among parts of the Japanese population. As the long period of strong economic growth ended in the early 1990s, the new defiant nationalism was fed by feelings of insecurity and frustration, in particular vis-à-vis a rising China. The conservatives’ activities spanned a wide range, from more academic endeavors to crudely nationalist mangas appealing to the broader public; some directly targeted history education, charging that it transmitted a “masochistic” view of Japanese history.11 One such group, established in late 1996 and tellingly named Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform, or Tsukuru-kai,12 produced a junior high textbook titled New History Textbook. It presents a peculiar version of Japan’s history, marked by a statist, at times even militaristic nationalism, buttressed by an insular and self-affirming perspective on Japan, an underlying West-centrism, and an often 110 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY Downloaded from http://ann.sagepub.com at Beijing Language and Culture University on May 9, 2009