INTRODUCTION assigned to the ideal state in Aristotle's Politics is sometimes deplored by the admirers of the matt of-fact and inductive methods of the first and fifth books. And in our own day the value of this moti for the serious science of society is still debated by sociologists The eternal fascination of the literary motif is in disputable, and we may enjoy without cavil the form which the artist Plato preferred for the exposition of his thought, while careful to distinguish the thoughts themselves from their sometimes fantastic embodi ment. But we must first note one or two of the funda ental differences between the presuppositions of Plato's speculations and our own.(1)Plato's state is a Greek city, not a Persian empire, a European nation or a conglomerate America. To Greek feeling com- lete and rational life was impossible for the in habitant of a village or the subject of a sat was attainable only through the varied social and agora, gymnasium, assembly,, polis, equipped with political activities of the Greek polis, It resulted from the action and interaction upon themselves and the world of in- telligent and equal freemen conscious of kinship and not too numerous for self-knowledge or too few for self-defence. From this point of view Babylon Alexandria, Rome, London, and New York would not be cities but chaotic aggregations of men. And in the hy, and representative luch of Plato's sociology is therefore inapplicable to modern con ditions. But though we recognize, we must not XXVII
INTRODUCTION assigned to the ideal state in Aristotle's Politics is sometimes deplored by the admirers of the matterof-fact and inductive methods of the first and fifth books. And in our own day the value of this motif for the serious science of society is still debated by sociologists. The eternal fascination of the literary motif is in- disputable, and we may enjoy without cavil the form which the artist Plato preferred for the exposition of his thought, while careful to distinguish the thoughts themselves from their sometimes fantastic embodiment. But we must first note one or two of the funda- mental differences between the presuppositions of Plato's speculations and our own. (1) Plato's state is a Greek city, not a Persian empire, a European nation, or a conglomerate America. To Greek feeling complete and rational life was impossible for the in- habitant of a village or the subject of a satrap. It was attainable only through the varied social and political activities of the Greek polis, equipped with agora, gymnasium, assembly, theatre, and templecrowned acropolis. It resulted from the action and interaction upon themselves and the world of in- telligent and equal freemen conscious of kinship and not too nuinerous for self-knowledge or too few for self-defence. From this point of view Babylon, Alexandria, Rome, London, and New York would not be cities but chaotic aggregations of men. And in the absence of steam, telegraphy, and representative government the empires of Darius, Alexander, and Augustus would not be states but loose associations of cities, tribes, and provinces. Much of Plato's sociology is therefore inapplicable to modern conditions. But though we recognize, we must not xxviii
INTRODUCTION exaggerate the difference. The Stoic and Christian the world citizenship into which the subjects of Rome were progressively adopted, the aeval pa an enter democratic nation are the expressions of larger and ideals. But in respect of the achievement of a complete life for all their members they still remain failures or experiments. The city state. on the other hand, has once and again at Athens and Florence so nearly solved its lesser problem as to make the ideal city appear not altogether a dream. And, accordingly, modern idealists are returning to the conception of smaller cantonal communities, inter connected, it is true, by all the agencies of moderr structure not altogether incomparable to the small city-state which Plato contemplated as the only lI vehicle of the higher life (9) The developments of science and industry have progress an essential part of every modern Utopia. The subjugation of nature by man predicted in Bacon's Ner Atlantis has come more and more to dominate all modern dreams of social reform. It is this which is to lay the spectre of Malthusianism It is this which is to give us the four-hour day and will furnish the workmans dwelling with all the labour saving conveniences of electricity, supply his table with all the delicacies of all the seasons, entertain his cultivated leisure with automatic reproductions of all ing machines and autom at his disposal when he would take the air. This is not the place to estimate the part of in these fancies. It is enough to observe Thus or dwelling too complacently upon them modern utop-
INTRODUCTION exaggerate the difference. The Stoic and Christian city of God, the world citizenship into which the subjects of Rome were progressively adopted, the mediaeval papacy and empire, the twentieth-century democratic nation are the expressions of larger and perhaps more generous ideals. But in respect of the achievement of a complete life for all their members, they still remain failures or experiments. The city- state, on the other hand, has once and again at Athens and Florence so nearly solved its lesser problem as to make the ideal city appear not altogether a dream. And, accordingly, modern idealists are returning to the conception of smaller cantonal communities, inter- connected, it is true, by all the agencies of modern science and industrialism, but in their social tissue and structure not altogether incomparable to the small city-state which Plato contemplated as the only practical vehicle of the higher life. (2) The developments of science and industry have made the idea of progress an essential part of every modern Utopia. The subjugation of nature by man predicted in Bacon's New Atlantis has come more and more to dominate all modern dreams of social reform. It is this which is to lay the spectre of Malthusianism. It is this which is to give us the four-hour day and \n\\ furnish the workman's dwelling with all the labour- saving conveniences of electricity, supply his table with all the delicacies of all the seasons, entertain his cultivated leisure with automatic reproductions of all the arts, and place flying machines and automobiles at his disposal when he would take the air. This is not the place to estimate the part of illusion in these fancies. It is enough to observe that in dwelling too complacently upon them modern utop-
INTRODUCTION ans are apt to forget the moral and spiritual pre conditions of any fundamental betterment of humar fe. Whereas Plato, conceiving the external con dition of man's existence to be essentially fixed, has more to tell us of the discipline of character and the elevation of intelligence. In Xavier Demaistre's yoyage autour de ma chambre, Plato, revisiting the glimpses of the moon, is made to say, "In spite of our glorious gains in physical science, my opinion of human nature is unchanged-but I presume that your progress in psychology, history, and the scientific control of human nature, has by this time made possible that ideal Republic which in the conditions of y own age I regarded as an impracticable dream. Demaistre was sorely embarrassed for a reply. Have we one ready Living in a milder climate and before the birth of the modern industrial proletariat, Plato is less haunted than we by the problem of pauperism. And his austerity of temper would have left him indiffe rent if not hostile, to the ideal of universal luxury and ease. It was not the life he appointed for his guardians, and the demand of the workers for it he has satirized in advance (420 D-E). If we add to the two points here considered some shades of ethical and religious feel ing, associated with Christianity, we shall have nearly exhausted the list of fundamental differences between Plato's political and social thought and our own. The Republic, if we look beneath the vesture of paradox to the body of its substantive thought, might however, Pohlmann. Geschichte der sozialen Fre zialismus in der antiken welt and industrial problems of Athexaggerates theindustrialism
INTRODUCTION ians are apt to forget the moral and spiritual pre- conditions of any fundamental betterment of human life. Whereas Plato, conceiving the external condition of man's existence to be essentially fixed, has more to tell us of the discipline of character and the elevation of intelligence. In Xavier Demaistre's Voyage autour de ma ckambre, Plato, revisiting the glimpses of the moon, is made to say, " In spite of your glorious gains in physical science, my opinion of human nature is unchanged—but I presume that your progress in psychology, history, and the scientific control of human nature, has by this time made possible that ideal Republic which in the conditions of my own age I regarded as an impracticable dream." Demaistre was sorely embarrassed for a reply. Have we one ready ? Living in a milder climate and before the birth of the modern industrial proletariat, Plato is less haunted than we by the problem of pauperism.*' And his austerity of temper would have left him indifferent, if not hostile, to the ideal of universal luxury and ease. It was not the life he appointed for his guardians, and the demand of the workers for it he has satirized in advance (420 d-e). If we add to the two points here considered some shades of ethical and religious feel- ing, associated with Christianity, we shall have nearly exhausted the list of fundamental differences between Plato's political and social thought and our own. The Republic, if we look beneath the vesture of paradox to the body of its substantive thought, might " Cf.y however, Pohlmann, Oeschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der antiken Welt, who, however, in the opinion of some of his critics, exaggerates the industrialism and industrial problems of Athens
INTRODUCTION seem a book of yesterday or to-morrow. The concep- ion of society as an organism, with the dependend of laws and institutions upon national temperament of public opinion, th division of labour and the reasons for it. the neces of specialization, the formation of a trained standing army, the limitation of the right of private property the industrial and political equality of women, the reform of the letter of the creeds in order to save the spirit, the proscription of unwholesome art and litera- ture, the reorganization of education, eugenics, the kindergarten method, the distinction between higher and secondary education, the endowment of researc the application of the higher mathematics to astron- omy and physics--all this and much more may be read obstacles to a true appreciation interposed by ca tious cavils or over ous scholar proceed to study Plato's ideas (1)as embedded in the e of the Republic,(2)as 's thought and experience as a whole, and of he suggestions that came to him from his predeces sors and contemporaries. The Republic is, in Huxleys ords,a"noble, philosophical romance " -it is a dis cussion of ethics, politics, sociology, religion and edu cation cast in the form of a Utopia or an Emile.The criticism of Plato's serious meanings is one thing. The bservation of the way in which they are coloured and tightened by the exigencies of this special literar Republic is a fairy-tale or fable about iustice. And h has warned us that every such finished composition must contain a large measure of what in contrast to XXXI
INTRODUCTION seem a book of yesterday or to-morrow. The conception of society as an organism, %\-ith the dependence of laws and institutions upon national temperament, and customs, the omnipotence of public opinion, the division of labour and the reasons for it, the necessity of specialization, the formation of a trained standing army, the Hmitation of the right of private property, the industrial and political equality of women, the reform of the letter of the creeds in order to save the spirit, the proscription of unwholesome art and litera- ture, the reorganization of education, eugenics, the kindergarten method, the distinction between higher and secondary education, the endowment of research, the application of the higher mathematics to astron- omy and physics—all this and much more may be read in it by him who runs. A critical interpretation would first remove some obstacles to a true appreciation interposed by captious cavils or over-ingenious scholarship, and then proceed to study Plato's ideas (1) as embedded in the artistic structure of the Republic, (2) as the outgrowth of Plato's thought and experience as a whole, and of the suggestions that came to him from his predecessors and contemporaries. The Republic is, in Huxley's words, a " noble, philosophical romance "—it is a dis- cussion of ethics, poUtics, sociology, religion and education cast in the form of a Utopia or an Emile. The criticism of Plato's serious meanings is one thing. The observation of the wav in which thev are coloured and heightened by the exigencies of this special literary form is another. Plato himself has told us that the Republic is a fairy-tale or fable about justice. And he has warned us that ever}' such finished composition must contain a large measure of what in contrast to
INTRODUCTION the severity of pure dialectic he calls jest or play, u Within the work itself the artistic illusion had to be reserved. But even there Plato makes it plain that is to embody certain ideas in ideal, not to formulate a working constitution or body of legislation for an actual state. An ideal retains its value even though it may never be precisely realized experience It is a pattern laid up in heaven for those who can see and understand. Plato will not even assert that the education which he prescribes is the best. He is certain only that the best education, whatever it may be, is a pre-condition of the ideal state(416 B-c). Somewhere in the infinite past or future--it may be in the barbarian world beyond ot ken--the true city may be visioned whenever and herever political power and philosophic wisdom are upon the omissions of the Republic in disregard of and explained. the omissions supplied in the Politicus and the Lans, which express fundamentally identica ethical and political convictions from a slightl differer of view and a perhaps somewhat To assume that differences which are by the moulding of the ideas in their Platos beliefs is to violate all canons of sound criti- cism and all the established presumptions of th unity of Plato's thought The right way to read the Republic is fairly indicated Phaedo. 278E
INTRODUCTION the severity of pure dialectic he calls jest or play." Within the work itself the artistic illusion had to be preserved. But even there Plato makes it plain that his chief purpose is to embody certain ideas in an ideal, not to formulate a working constitution or body of legislation for an actual state. An ideal retains its value even though it may never be precisely realized in experience. It is a pattern laid up in heaven for those who can see and understand. Plato will not even assert that the education which he prescribes is the best. He is certain only that the best education, whatever it may be, is a pre-condition of the ideal state (416 B-c). Somewhere in the infinite past or future—it may be in the barbarian world beyond our ken—the true city may be visioned whenever and wherever political power and philosophic wisdom are wedded and not as now divorced. He affirms no more. It is a waste of ink to refute the paradoxes or harp upon the omissions of the Republic in disregard of these considerations. The paradoxes are softened and explained, the omissions supplied in the Politicus and the Laws, which express fundamentally identical ethical and political convictions from a slightly different point of view and a perhaps somewhat sobered mood.'' To assume that differences which are easily explained by the moulding of the ideas in their literary framework are caused by revolutions in Plato's beliefs is to violate all canons of sound criti- cism and all the established presumptions of the unity of Plato's thought. The right way to read the Republic is fairly indicated " Phaedr. 278 e. * Cf. my paper, " Plato's Laics and the Unity of Plato's Thought," Class. Phil. vol. ix., 1914, pp. 345-369