374 PART FIVE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES CHAPTER 16 CONGRESSIONAL OFFICE:GETTING ELECTED,STAYING ELECTED 375 NEVADA Calorroa Democrats Adjusted congressional district lines after the 1980 cersus to indude more of the cons ative farm ers and f出 20th.The restalt is a district that B-Lerfid e zigzags across the width of the 85 Rcpbcam ith the Democrats coreding this Its When Massachusetts wus PACIFIC OCEAN Republican representative, William Thocnas,was in office idge Ger y had the lines throughout the 1980s,winning one district redrawn in order to reelection in 1988 with 72 ensure that a candidate of his party would be elected.The Even when Republican and Democratic party leaders choose not to divide the Percent of the:U.S. owres af the Census artooeist Elkanah Tingdale. spoils in advance,incumbents of both parties usually benefit from gerryman- dering.After the 1980 census,Republican leaders in Califomia made the mistake of rejecting a bipartisan redistricting plan.Although the Democrats had alled a "Gerry-mander."(The a majority in the state legislature,Republicans believed that Hispanic Democrat- Bettmann Archive) ic legislators could be persuaded to support a redistricting plan favorable to the GOP.It was a major miscalculation.Democrats in the state legislature held firm TABLE 16-2 Percentage of House and Senate and eventually produced a redistricting plan favorable to their own party.Their Incumbents Who Won Reelection by 60 Percent strategy placed Republican incumbents in such lopsidedly Republican districts or More of the Vote,1956-1988 that few Democratic votes were "wasted"'in these contests.(For an example of such a district,see Figure 16-1.)Democratic incumbents were also given safe House Incwwben临 districts,but ones that included no more Democratic voters than were needed to 1956 59% ensure the incumbents'reelection.Finally,the districts in which an incumbent 6 43% was not seeking reelection were stacked with Democratic voters so that Democratic challengers had an advantage.The strategy worked as planned.In the 1982 congressional elections in California,Democrats received about 50 percent of the statewide congressional vote but gained 62 percent of the House 6 seats. Of course,gerrymandering is not a tool that can be applied to U.S.Senate 77 races.The electoral district for such races is detined not by population but by 45 geography:it consists of the entire state,and each state elects two senators.For this reason and others,the competitiveness of Senate races has remained relatively steady in recent decades.?In the majority of Senate contests,the 7 winner receives less than 60 percent of the vote (see Table 16-2). 73 USING INCUMBENCY TO STAY IN CONGRESS S7 39 Members of Congress say that theyare in Washington primarily to serve the interests of their state or district.As natural as this claim may appear,it is 1988 87 45 noteworthy that members of the British House of Commons or the French National Assembly would not be likely to make it:they consider their chief Co(ashinnD responsibility to be service to the nation,not to their localities.The unitary governments and strong parties of Britain and France give their politics a 40 [
376 PART FIVE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES CHAPTER 16 CONGRESSIONAL OFFICE:GETTING ELECTED,STAYING ELECTED 377 national orientation.The federal system and weak parties of the United States force members of Congress to take responsibility for their own reelection TABLE 16-3 Approximate Number of Personal Staff campaigns and to serve local interests as well as national ones. Members Employed by ① Members of Congress, Claiming Credit for Congress's Achievements 1960-1990,by Chamber One way in which members of Congress can please their constituents is by Senate being instrumental in the enactment of legislation favorable to local interests. Many senators and representatives sit on congressional committees that formu- 1960 1275 2,875 late policies of special importance to their constituencies.Almost all members of 1970 2,250 4950 the House and Senate Agricultural committees,for example,are from the farm 1980 3925 7200 states.In his 1984 reelection campaign,Jesse Helms emphasized the increase in 1990 4400 7A75 tobacco price supports which he had steered through Congress for the benefit of many of his North Carolina constituents. 作问心安.和以、m Members of Congress also seek pork-barrel legislation.As we indicated at the beginning of the chapter,this term refers to laws whose tangible benefits are idLoci原0 Qtargetedsoielyatalegtatorsonstituengy-thebodyofatizensehgble6 encounter delays or other obstacles in applying for social security,government loans,and other federal benefits,their representative or senator can often assist ve-yiafleni d.i vote for him or her.("Pork"was the term for political graft or corruption in the by persuading the bureaucracy to act qulekly or favorably.In rare cases, late nineteenth century;when legislators adopted the practice of placing 是3边1P冰aE members of Congress have personally intervened at the highest administrative numerous items of pork into a single bill,people began to say,"Now the pork is levels.Congressman Wayne Hays of Ohio once earned the gratitude of a al in one barrel.It is always good politics for a member of Congress to make constituent by storming into the office of Secretary of State Dean Rusk to y5) sure that the home state or district gets as many federal dollars as possible. demand,successfully,that the State Department expedite the constituent's Constituents may disagree on issues of national policy,but no one objects when federal pork-barrel projects pour into their area.David Martin is one congress- passport application. Some critics suggest that service-minded members of Congress are nothing man who has built his reputation almost entirely on pork-barrel politics.He more than"errand boys"for their constituents.This criticism overlooks the fact concentrates on securing federal funds for Fort Drum,a major military that the members themselves do not have to neglect legislative duties in order to nstallation located in his rural district in upstate New York. serve constituents'personal needs.Most of this work can be delegated to staff Performing Services for Constituents Each member of Congress is provided with a personal staff at taxpayers' 二e地ew expense.'House members receive office allowances of about $500,000-a year, which enable cach of them to hire ahout twenty full-time staff members. Senators have budgets two or three times larger,depending on the populations of their states,and their personal staffs average about forty employees. Congressional staffs doubled in size during the 1960s,when members of Congress decided they needed more help to keep pace with their growing legislative load (see Table 16-3).However,most members of Congress use their personal staffs primarily to performnordertobund support among constituents,a practice that is known as service strategy.Congressional staffers spend the bulk of their time not on Tegislative mnatters but on constituency relations,including responding to the thousands of letters that each member of Congress receives annually from individual constituents.11 When citizens Congressional staffers sort letters The t two types of congressianal staffs:the personal staff,whose from consbtusent,many ol and athr than fo dividual mber of Congress pets thoa Statistics ou Cowgress,1984-1985 (Washington,D.C.:American of such requests every year,and prompt attention to them is presumed to in Harvey C.Mansfie result in votes and contributions at reelection time.(Art 119
378 PART FIVE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES CHAPTER16女 CONGRESSIONAL OFFICE:GETTING ELECTED,STAYING ELECTED 379 members and has increasingly been shifted out of Washington offices to district example,routinely send congratulatory letters to all graduating high school offices.At one time these local offices were open only when the representative seniors in their districts,an effort that is designed to-impress-these-newly was in town:now they are open every day and serve as local congressional eligible voters and thetr parents. headquarters for constituents who need help. The news media also publicize members of Congress.All U.S.senators and House members,especially,find that service to constituents is a natural most House members receive reasonably close attention from local news media. extension of their political careers.Local politics is the traditional path to House Except for House members from large cities such as New York,Chicago,and election,and most House members maintain strong local ties and have a natural Los Angeles,which have numerous congressional districts within their bound- interest in constituents'personal needs.The bottom line,however,is that aries,members of Congress are locally prominent and are thus considered constituency service produces votes on election day.Congressional observers newsworthy.Although the national media tend to be critical of Congress as an disagree on exactly how many votes can be won through these small favors, institution,most individual members of Congress get favorable coverage from but there is no doubt that constituency service helps-particularly in House the press and fare particularly well with local reporters. races,in which the incumbent's attentiveness to local people and problems is Name recognition alone can be an electoral advantage,particularly in House often a major campaign issue. races.When voters'party loyalties declined after the early 1960s,other factors, such as voters'familiarity with individual candidates,became increasingly Garnering Publicity important(see Chapter 10).a In the typical House election campaign,about two-thirds of the voters cannot recall the challenger's name,let alone his or her Finally,members of Congress boost their chances of reelection by keeping their political record or policy positions.Fewer people have difficulty recalling the names before the voters.They do so in part by making personal appearances at incumbent's name,and once they enter the polling booth,95 percent of voters local evente-and gatherings.At public expense,each House member is allowed recognize the incumbent by name."When partisanship is weak,name recogni- twenty-six visits to his or her district each year and each senator can take about tion apparently has a large influence on voting decisions.In the 1950s,fewer forty trips home.In addition,each member of Congress is permitted several free than 10 percent of partisan voters defected to the House candidate of the mailings annually to constituent households;not surprisingly,the use of this opposing party.Now about 20 percent do so,and most of them are attracted to privilege (known as the frank)peaks during election years.Congressional incumbents-presumably because they attach more significance to their sense staffs also chum out newsletters and press releases designed to publicize the of familiarity with the incumbent than to his or her party affiliation. member for whom they work.Some congressional offices are quite shameless in their use of the frank to get free publicity.Certain House members,for THE BURDENS OF INCUMBENCY 1Tbd,58. The blessings of incumbency can be decidedly mixed.The potential problems 在&2dm咖是心咖 are several:personal misconduct,troublesome issues,and strong challengers y(ingon,D.e Pe ebraska Press,1984).ch.8. Improper Conduct Corruption is less common in Washington than most Americans assume,but it does.occur.As a result of the FBI's ABSCAM sting operation in 1979,Senator Harrison Williams (D-N.J.)and several House members were convicted of accepting bribes in return for legislative promises. The roots of improper behavior among members of Congress can often be traced to the social and financial demands placed on them.They interact with See Charles M.Tidmarch and Brad S.Karp."The Mis Elections in Eight Metropolitan Ar 198347-61. 19812-6. ohn A.Ferejohn,' On Representative Tom MeMillen 6S3ptioanCoagrceaioaaaeioms“AaenimPatial (D-Md.》at a rib地on-cutting essional Representatives:Recall ceremony.Such public accasions r1979y509-517. amdes and the Decline of Competitive ess to in Dodd and Op mer Cowgress Reconsidered,74-75;Robert 5. essional Elections,"Poiily 3 (1971):395-405. Newsohotos) DC American Enterpcise Institate,198)
380 PART FIVE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES CHAPTER 16 CONGRESSIONAL OFFICE:GETTING ELECTED,STAYING ELECTED 381 all the copies sold were bought by interest groups,such as the Teamsters union, which bought 2,000 copies. In view of the legal and moral tightrope that members of Congress walk,the irony,perhaps,is that their constituents and colleagues often exact a stiff price when they are caught breaking the law.Nobody,it seems,wants to be associated with a certifiably rotten apple. /Troublesome Issues Powerful issues can also undermine incumbents.In the two centuries of Congress's existence,hundreds of members have lost their positions as a result of political upheaval.During the depression of the 1890s,for example,the issue of free silver divided the electorate sharply along class and regional lines, causing unprecedented turnover in Congress.Going into the 1894 congressio- nal elections,Democrats held forty-four House seats in the Northeast;they emerged with only seven seats in the region."Although turnover has been nowhere near that level in any recent election,disruptive issues are a potential House,June 1989:Majority threat to incumbents.Richard Nixon was not the only Republican who paid a Whip William H.GryⅢFak high price for the Watergate scandal:in the 1974 election that came three Majority Leader Richard A. Gephardt (Mo.).and Spezker months after his resignation,forty-nine House seats held by Republicans were Thamas S.Foley (Wash.).(Grorge lost to Democrats. Of all policy issues,the economy has the largest bearing on congressional races.A strong economy strengthens the position of all incumbents,whereas a lobbyists,attorneys,consultants,correspondents,and other perions who have weak economy makes congressional incumbents of the president's party vulnerable.2 In 1980 Jimmy Carter was in the White House and inflation was at In 1950.with the economy i a much higher incomes than theirs,and they are expected to keep pace.They naturally feel pressure to find ways to supplement their congressional salary. record levels;that fall Carter's fellow Democrats lost a net total of thirteen downturn and Democrat Jimmy For some,this extra income is provided by personal wealth they had acquired Senate seats and thirty-three House seats.Economic conditions also have an Carter in the White House. before election to Congress.Others find legitimate ways to supplement their indirect effect on election outcomes:potentially strong opponents are more mcre vulnerabe than likely to run against incumbents when a weak economy favors such a move. ineumbents normally are. salaries,such as accepting fees for giving public lectures. However there is a thin line between legal and illegal activity.Members of The influence of national issues on congressional races helps to explain the Among the Democratic losers in year's elections was Ge Congress cannot accept bribes,for example,but they can accept gratuities.In phenomenon called"presidential coattails."The term commonly refers to the of South Dakota. who 1986 several congressmen were flown by corporate jet to the headquarters of the greater electoral success of congressional candidates who belong to the same had been his party s tial United Coal Company in Bristol,Virginia.They dined with company executives party as the winning presidential candidate:they are said to ride into office on nominee in 1972.(AP/Wlde the president's coattails Although the pattern is often said to occur because a Warld Photos) were given a tour of the mines,and were handed $2,000 each upon departure: William Weld,an assistant attomy generat who was newly arrived in Washing presidential candidate's popularity rubs off on his party's congressional candi- ton,leamed of the incident and proposed that the congressmen be indicted for dates,this factor actually has only a little to do with it.A larger factor is policy violating an antigratulties stahuite.Weld was surprised fo learn from his staff that issues.The same issues (notably the condition of the economy)that contribute the congressmen had done nothing illegal:the law allowed them to accept up to to the success of the party's presidential candidate can also benefit its $2.000 plus their travel expenses for participating in such a meeting. congressional candidates. Ethics in Washington is obviously a complex moral and legal issue,and it is perhaps not surprising that some members of Congress engage in illegal or questionable activities.Even the top leaders are not immune,as evidenced by former Speaker of the House Jim Wright In addition to being accused in 1988 of Thid Faul W.Glad,Mekieley,Brusu.and the People (Philadelphia:Lippincott,1964)92. conilict of interest between his private business dealings and some of his Morris P.Plorina,Retruspective Voting in Americn Nari ETectious (New Haven,Conn.:Yale legislative efforts,Wright was criticized for receiving 555,000 in "royalties" University Press.1981)81. from a book written in his name by an aide and published by a friend.Almost Gary C Jacobson nd Samuel Kemell,Strategy ud Choice in Covgressioul Elections (New Haven. Conn.:Yale University Press,1981),2-3. eeCampbell,xpinn Presidential o inMidmo onal Elections," Congress Faces an Ethics Gap,"Neasuvek July 4.1988,16
382 PART FIVE ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES CHAPTER 16*CONGRESSIONAL OFFICE:GETTING ELECTED,5TAYING ELECTED 383 Strong Challengeis Millions of dellars Finally,incumbents are vulnerable to strong challengers.Senators are particu- larly likely to face an imposing opponent after the presidency the Senate is the 300 top rung of the political ladder,and membership in that body is highly coveted Governors and House members are frequent challengers for Senate seats,and they have the electoral base,reputation,and experience to competeffeively. 250 Moreover,the U.S Senale Tures wealthy chellengers Several eurrent senators are millionaires,including John Heinz (R-Pa.).Howard Metzenbaum(D-Ohio), 200 Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.),John Danforth (R-Mo.),and Frank Eautenberg House races D-N）.ohn D.Tay]Rocker包er Iy spent s2miie年，一sof I his own 150 FIGURE 16-2 Congressional money,in winning election to the U.S.Senate from West Virginia in 1984. Campaign Expenditure，线 Hfouse incumbents have Tess reason to fear strong challengers.*A House seat 100 1972-1989 is often not appealing enough to induce prominent local politicians,such as ate roces ng for mayors or state legislators,to risk their political careers in a challenge to an congressional office has risen sharpy as campaign incumbent.Linda Fowler and Robert McClure speak of"the unseen candidates"" 50 tochniques--television -potentially strong House challengers who end up deciding that the costs of a campaign outweigh the benefits.This situation frequently leaves the field open 0 on- to weak opponents with little or no governmental or political experience. 1972 74 76 788082 84 86 89 Weak challengers in House races typically have trouble raising campaign funds Source:Federal Election Year Comm80装 and often are not taken seriously by the news media.In a district where one l bo me n bh geously expensive.The 1984 contest between Jesse Helms and James Hunt was the most expensive in history,with Helms outspending Hunt by $16.5 million party. to $9.5 million,for a combined total of 526-million.House campaigns are much Tess expensive than Senate campaigns,but a House campaign costing $500,000 Financing Congressional Campaigns is no longer unusual,and million-dollar contests may become commonplace in the 1990s if campaign spending continues its rapid rise. About half of all campaign contributions come from individuals,most of The costs of congressional campaigns have risen sharply,climbing-to-roughly 450 million in 198B,a sxfold increase compared with fifteen years earlier (see whom donate $100 or less to a candidate.These individual donations are raised even get beat witit. Targely through computer-based direct-mail fund-raising.Political action com- Figure 16-2).To some extent these rising expenditures reflect inflation,but they Will Rogers mittees (PACs,discussed in Chapter 14)are the second major source of stem primarily from the increasing sophistication of modern campaigns. contributions.PACs provided about 30 percent of congressional campaign Polling,television advertising,voter targeting,and the other expensive tech- funds in 1988,twice as much as a decade before.Political party organizalions niques of today's congressional election campaigns require candidates to have large budgets. provide about 10 percent of campaign money,although the proportion is higher for Republicans than for Democrats:parties also affect the How ot election funds The amount of money that is required to run a successful campaign varies by identifying key races,on which PACs may then focus their financial support. widely,depending on the nature of the constituency and of the competition. Finally,candidates'personal funds account for about 10 percent of campaign Major-party Senate candidates spent,on average,about $2.5 million in 1988,up spending米 froi I mittion as recently as 1980.A Senate campaign can become outra- Though money has been called "the mother's milk of politics,"money does not always decide an election;in most elections it is not even the main factor. Gary lacobson has demanstrated that money is no higher than third in See Alan L.Abran importance,ranking behind partsanship and incumbency Revertheless,the owitz"A Com Americs四Politicsl5cie for U.S.and Representative in 1978," How of money in-eongressional campaigns is signifcant both in itself and as an "Peroeptionsof ectora CA indicator of the other crucial factors,particularly the advantages of incumbency 0co比g1980:4B4. and the extent of electoral competitiveness. Linda L Fowler and Robert D.McClure,Politcl Ambftiou (New Haven,Conn.:Yale University eha inU Flecin 8t1983469-480. a Deleae架金