《社会心理学》课程教学资源（文献资料）Aggression——Narcissistic Rage Revisited

深yae mm.31w1s1品21 Narcissistic Rage Revisited ZamK0a时o 4o tent wit ing abou Narcissism pation with the n wit (Freud.1932). explosive mix of mistrust,anger,and shame as core ients e rage his rag of narcissism have been inspired by these accounts or have been vulne able.Taken ogether,the studies of na sistic agg 1.p.9 1972). trated by the opening quote absomtion arrogance and entitlement as key ner ality char ested in their self W292014 logy,lowa State f other's tent vith one's own (Am ation.2000:Cair nal behavior.namely.th se o and vulnerability (Cain et al grand University.Ames.IA 50011.E-mailiastae.edu to self-centeredness,defensiveness.insecurity.and resentfulness 78

Narcissistic Rage Revisited Zlatan Krizan and Omesh Johar Iowa State University Narcissists are thought to exhibit “narcissistic rage,” an explosive mix of anger and hostility arising from threats to narcissists’ fractured sense of self. Building on clinical views of narcissism, we present empirical evidence on the nature and sources of narcissistic rage. Findings from 4 studies reveal narcissistic vulnerability (but not grandiosity) as a powerful driver of rage, hostility, and aggressive behavior, fueled by suspiciousness, dejection, and angry rumination. Consistent with theorizing about narcissistic rage, Study 1 showed that vulnerable (but not grandiose) narcissism predicted more anger internalization and externalization, as well as poorer anger control. Study 2 revealed vulnerable narcis￾sism as a stronger indicator of shame and aggressiveness, especially hostility and anger. Study 3 identified distrust of others and angry rumination as key factors accounting for vulnerable narcissists’ reactive and displaced aggression. Study 4 provided behavioral evidence that vulnerable (but not grandiose) narcissism amplifies reactive and displaced aggression in the face of provocation. Taken together, the findings not only establish narcissistic vulnerability as a key source of narcissistic rage but also reveal an important pathway to narcissistic aggression that does not involve competitiveness or exploitativeness. In addition, the results support clinical views of narcissistic aggression and implicate deficient self-esteem as an important driver of aggressive behavior. Keywords: narcissism, aggression, anger I am God ... and zombies will pay for their arrogance, hate, fear, abandonment, and distrust. —Dylan Klebold (2/2/1998), Columbine High School Shooter In his 1932 paper “Libidinal Types,” Sigmund Freud offered a revolutionary description of narcissistic personality, proposing that preoccupation with oneself can lead to narcissistic injury that fuels anger and aggressive behavior (Freud, 1932). Although the idea of “narcissistic rage” as a key aspect of narcissism became widely accepted in clinical theory, the form this aggression takes and its underlying reasons have not been adequately understood. In this article we present empirical evidence on the features and sources of narcissistic rage. Evidence from four studies implicates an explosive mix of mistrust, anger, and shame as core ingredients of narcissistic rage. Furthermore, the data reveal this rage to be especially pervasive and undiscriminating in fueling aggression among the narcissistically vulnerable. Taken together, the studies identify an important driver of narcissistic aggression and impli￾cate self-esteem dysregulation as a key source of aggressive im￾pulses. Finally, they help us understand the extreme cases of rage illustrated by the opening quote. Narcissism Narcissism is a “cognitive–affective preoccupation with the self” (Westen, 1990, p. 226). The concept refers to Narcissus, the mythical character that fell in love with his own reflection. Psy￾chological use of the term originates within psychoanalysis, and most theoretical development and empirical research has focused on narcissism as a personality structure, particularly in the form of a personality disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Kernberg, 1975; Kohut, 1971; Levy, Ellison, & Reynoso, 2011; J. D. Miller & Campbell, 2008; Millon, 1997; Ronningstam, 2005). These clinical accounts of narcissism are important because they have canonized the narcissistic phenotype (American Psychi￾atric Association, 1994). Furthermore, most personality measures of narcissism have been inspired by these accounts or have been based on formal diagnostic criteria for the narcissistic personality disorder (e.g., Pincus et al., 2009; Raskin & Hall, 1981). Most important, it is clinical theory that gave birth to the concept of narcissistic rage (Freud, 1921, p. 91; Kohut, 1972). Clinical descriptions of narcissism emphasize vanity, self￾absorption, arrogance, and entitlement as key personality charac￾teristics; narcissistic individuals are overly invested in their self￾image, obsessed about how they are viewed by others, and often dismissive of other’s needs and wants to the extent they interfere with one’s own (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Cain, Pincus, & Ansell, 2008; Ronningstam, 2005; Westen, 1990). How￾ever, there are two distinct themes regarding narcissists’ emotion and interpersonal behavior, namely, those of narcissistic grandios￾ity and vulnerability (Cain et al., 2008). Narcissistic grandiosity refers to overconfidence, exhibitionism, self-promotion, and ex￾ploitativeness. Narcissistic vulnerability, on the other hand, refers to self-centeredness, defensiveness, insecurity, and resentfulness This article was published Online First December 29, 2014. Zlatan Krizan and Omesh Johar, Department of Psychology, Iowa State University. Omesh Johar is now at the Opus College of Business, University of St. Thomas, Minneapolis, MN. We thank Constantine Sedikides and Tom Widiger for helpful comments regarding this article, as well as members of the Self and Social Perception Laboratory for assistance with collecting data. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Zlatan Krizan, W112 Lagomarcino Hall, Department of Psychology, Iowa State University, Ames, IA 50011. E-mail: zkrizan@iastate.edu This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology © 2014 American Psychological Association 2015, Vol. 108, No. 5, 784 – 801 0022-3514/15/$12.00 http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pspp0000013 784

NARCISSISTIC RAGE 785 Critically,empirical research on narcissistic personality traits slights with"disdain,rage,or defiant co ack"(p.659). utline key theor andiosity and vulnerability.For Wink (191) (1)Then.we ce on nan of pe sism dir stic."only grandiosity predi arce of narcissistic rage.As a whole,the studies sent the n only on of narciss e.”Subsequent distinct dim wvide key tests of clinical a ed the high reas vulnerabili What Is Narcissistic Rage? w圆 trom ulsion in the pursuit of all these e the poud be in all sm within If-invo 1006)This i o. 1975,Kh.1972R0.2005. liy disor actions such as depre sion.Moreover,thes and se despite these being key to clinical ent of the disorder.As ng a self-p piral B.Lewi agner, y th at extent existing understanding narcissistic aggression. Anger and Hostility Narcissism and Aggression nd Fre the first self-preo ccupation leads them to word rage itsel ntial reasons for th ink betw As M.Lewis (1992)puts it"a elaborates. Kohut (1972)as 'narcissistic rage. clinical observations the dysfunctionl,as it is dispr irected.Other the individua whom he his to be that ne's se Ker oiee who ard him.(.64 6

exhibited by narcissistic individuals (J. D. Miller & Campbell, 2008; Pincus & Lukowitsky, 2010; Wink, 1991). Critically, empirical research on narcissistic personality traits reveals that people differ on two relatively independent dimen￾sions of narcissistic features, corresponding to the conceptualiza￾tions of grandiosity and vulnerability. For example, Wink (1991) linked grandiosity and vulnerability factors extracted from numer￾ous self-report measures of narcissism to spouse reports of per￾sonality. Although elevation on both narcissism dimensions pre￾dicted being viewed as “arrogant,” “argumentative,” and “opportunistic,” only grandiosity predicted being viewed as a “show-off,” “egotistical,” and “assertive,” whereas only vulnera￾bility predicted being viewed as “complaining,” “bitter,” and “de￾fensive.” Subsequent research has replicated these distinct dimen￾sions in diverse populations and identified their distinct correlates. Specifically, grandiosity is linked to dominance, low emotional distress, and high self-esteem, whereas vulnerability is linked to introversion, high emotional distress, and low self-esteem, al￾though both share a core of entitled and dismissive tendencies (Glover, Miller, Lynam, Crego, & Widiger, 2012; Krizan & Johar, 2012; J. D. Miller et al., 2011; Rathvon & Holmstrom, 1996; Wink, 1991). It should be noted that the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Hall, 1981), the most commonly used measure of narcissism within personality and social psychology, captures nar￾cissistic grandiosity, not vulnerability (Krizan & Johar, 2012; J. D. Miller & Campbell, 2008; Rathvon & Holmstrom, 1996). This is important because the vast majority of theory and evidence in personality and social psychology is based on the use of this measure, and thus speaks only to grandiose aspects of narcissism. Furthermore, diagnostic criteria for narcissistic personality disor￾der do not currently include vulnerable symptoms of narcissism, despite these being key to clinical assessment of the disorder. As a result, there is a substantial concern that assessment of narcissism across both personality and clinical domains ignores important aspects of the construct (J. D. Miller, Gentile, Wilson, & Camp￾bell, 2013; Pincus & Lukowitsky, 2010; Ronningstam, 2005). As we elaborate later in the article, this imposes serious limitations on understanding narcissistic aggression. Narcissism and Aggression Sigmund Freud (1932) was the first to suggest that narcissists’ self-preoccupation leads them to aggress against others. The po￾tential reasons for the link between anger, aggression, and narcis￾sism were subsequently suggested by other psychoanalysts, whose clinical observations suggested that narcissistic self-absorption can fuel a vicious cycle of hostility, shame, and reactive aggression (Alexander, 1938; Jacobson, 1964; Saul, 1947). Defined by Heinz Kohut (1972) as “narcissistic rage,” these clinical observations describe a precarious condition in which frustrations of a narcis￾sistically perceived reality and a vulnerable sense of self result in dejection and shame that fuel anger, resentment, and vindictive￾ness. Moreover, they suggest narcissistic rage to be immature and dysfunctional, as it is disproportionate or misdirected. Other the￾orists have also suggested that narcissistic individuals exhibit patterns of rage, instigated by rejection that opens childhood wounds or events that contradict one’s sense of specialness (Kern￾berg, 1975; Millon, 1997). The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) itself states that narcissistic individuals react to interpersonal slights with “disdain, rage, or defiant counterattack” (p. 659). Following these views, we first outline key theoretical features of narcissistic rage, building on the pioneering work by Kohut (1972). Then, we review existing empirical evidence on narcissism and aggression with a focus on rage reactions. We argue that the almost exclusive focus on grandiose narcissism yielded little sup￾port for theoretical accounts of narcissistic rage. In response, we present four studies that looked to vulnerable narcissism as a key source of narcissistic rage. As a whole, the studies represent the first systematic examination of narcissistic rage within the context of both vulnerable and grandiose narcissism. Furthermore, they provide key tests of clinical accounts of narcissistic aggression so far not adequately addressed in nonclinical populations. What Is Narcissistic Rage? Although it can be traced back to Freud, narcissistic rage was first extensively described by the psychoanalyst Heinz Kohut (1972). According to him, “the need for revenge, for righting a wrong, for undoing a hurt by whatever means, and a deeply anchored, unrelent￾ing compulsion in the pursuit of all these aims . . . are the charac￾teristic features of narcissistic rage in all its forms” (p. 638). He succinctly summarized a key observation of many clinicians, namely, that narcissistic individuals whose self-involved percep￾tion of reality are questioned will respond with vitriol and retali￾ation in addition to shame and depression (Alexander, 1938; Kern￾berg, 1975; Kohut, 1972; Ronningstam, 2005). In fact, these observations view the lack of a cohesive sense of self as key both to externalizing reactions such as aggression and to internalizing reactions such as depression. Moreover, these other- and self￾destructive reactions are thought to become mutually reinforcing, producing a self-perpetuating “shame–rage” spiral (H. B. Lewis, 1987; Scheff, 1987; Tangney, Wagner, Fletcher, & Gramzow, 1992). As specified next, these analyses imply three key aspects of narcissistic rage. We first outline these features of the narcissistic rage hypothesis and then critically evaluate to what extent existing empirical evidence on narcissism bears on them. Anger and Hostility First and foremost, narcissistic rage is defined by pervasive, intense, and ill-directed anger. As the word rage itself implies, narcissists’ angry responses to even minor provocations should be disproportionate and unfocused. As M. Lewis (1992) puts it, “rage is anger out of control” (p. 153). Numerous psychoanalytic ac￾counts link threats to narcissistic self-views (i.e., “narcissistic injuries”) to intense anger and hostility (e.g., Alexander, 1938; Freud, 1921). As Kohut (1972) elaborates, the fanaticism of the need for revenge and the unending compulsion of having to square an account after an offense are therefore not the attributes of aggressivity that is integrated with the mature purposes . . . the shame-prone individual who is ready to experience setbacks as narcissistic injuries and respond to them with insatiable rage does not recognize his opponent as a center of independent initiative with whom he happens to be at cross purposes . . . the narcissistically injured... cannot rest until he has blotted out a vaguely experienced offender who dared to oppose him, to disagree with him, or to outshine him. (pp. 643– 644) This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. NARCISSISTIC RAGE 785

786 KRIZAN AND IOHAR asthey need to f-control s 1973: the wour sm (Ame ciation.2000 issists are exre cted to react with aggression to and to displace their aggression onto others who response to even minor provocations Does Evidence Support the Narcissistic Rage Hypothesis? Sha ame and Inferioritv add them.R 981 sion when face ster.Parrott.&Byre.02:Tangney &Dearing.2002).S impeachments of one' ften go usly unacknowledged or misidentified.transforn 1993 1988:Rhode walt Mor thers that shamed us may be initially adaptiv nd entitlemer similar ainful fee ather med us (Ko ohut.1972:M.Lewis.1992.pp. 150 iv es to imp shment of on's image o ndio issists" inflated s which ther fuel a neiste 998:Morf g92 see also Scheff.1987).Empirical research sa clo tool out of the se that ha d as 2008 Hill-Rado 106)In shor sistic individuals are expected to experie rage in par 678 ide on grand 19resofn han Reactive and Displaced Aggression 1995 On the oth man studies find tha ithe V.or d Third and final.narcissistic rage should lead to disr and unfocus Atlas Them 2003 ggre ”that is rathe on harming th other indi 1004)Given the intense rage compounded by feelings of shame or s to b "there is utte isregard for reasonable limitation t Mo 1009 &Stak and add fuel he

Accordingly, the narcissistically wounded are thought to distrust others and be suspicious of their intentions, as they need to rationalize why these others are getting in their way or withholding special treatment that the narcissist expects (Bursten, 1973; Mil￾lon, 1997; Ronningstam, 2005). In concert with other clinical accounts of narcissism (American Psychiatric Association, 2000; Kernberg, 1975), these observations explicate narcissistic rage as a pervasive and dysfunctional anger coupled with hostile suspicions, presumably resulting in misdirected or disproportionate aggression in response to even minor provocations. Shame and Inferiority Second, narcissistic rage is thought to be aggravated by inferi￾ority and shame (Broucek, 1982; Kohut, 1972). Shame involves feelings of being exposed and devalued for one’s deficiencies, and can be one of the most devastating human emotions (Smith, Webster, Parrott, & Eyre, 2002; Tangney & Dearing, 2002). Schol￾ars have long noted that the pain of shame is so severe that it may often go consciously unacknowledged or misidentified, transform￾ing into vague feelings of depression or anger at sources of shame (Alexander, 1938; H. B. Lewis, 1971). On one hand, anger at others that shamed us may be initially adaptive, as it can help us to forget shame-based pain, to recast the blame for painful feelings on others rather than ourselves, or to eliminate the person that shamed us (Kohut, 1972; M. Lewis, 1992, pp. 150 –151). On the other hand, such responses to shaming, if prolonged, can lead to chronic rage reactions, which further exacerbate existing feelings of shame and guilt, which then further fuel anger, ultimately creating a “shame–rage spiral” (H. B. Lewis, 1971; M. Lewis, 1992; see also Scheff, 1987). Empirical research confirms a close link between shame and anger, and suggests that shame-prone individuals are more likely to experience anger and to engage in destructive behaviors as a result (Bennett, Sullivan, & Lewis, 2005; Harper & Arias, 2004; Tangney et al., 1992; Tangney, Wagner, Hill-Barlow, Marschall, & Gramzow, 1996). In short, narcissistic individuals are expected to experience rage in part because they are especially prone to shame and dejection when flaws in themselves and their narcissistically perceived reality are exposed. Reactive and Displaced Aggression Third and final, narcissistic rage should lead to disproportionate and unfocused acts of aggression in response to provocation. These aggressive behaviors are expected to be “reactive” rather than “proactive,” that is, driven by anger, relatively spontaneous, and focused on harming the other individual (rather than deliberate and calculating; see Anderson & Bushman, 2002; Crick & Dodge, 1994). Given the intense rage compounded by feelings of shame or inferiority, narcissistic individuals are thought to engage in imma￾ture, dysfunctional aggressive acts. As Kohut (1972, p. 639) sug￾gests, “there is utter disregard for reasonable limitations and a boundless wish to redress an injury and to obtain revenge.” Fur￾thermore, this rage is expected to fuel displaced aggression as others’ unrelated or minor provocations get in the way and add fuel to the proverbial fire (Vaknin, 2001). Consistent with this reason￾ing, increased anger and suspicions about others’ behavior gener￾ally exacerbate displaced aggression, particularly in the presence of additional minor provocations (i.e., “triggers”; see N. Miller, Pedersen, Earleywine, & Pollock, 2003). In addition, angry rumi￾nation may undermine self-control, suggesting an additional level of unpredictability in aggression among the wounded narcissists (Denson, Pedersen, Friese, Hahm, & Roberts, 2011). In short, narcissists are expected to react with aggression to even minor provocations and to displace their aggression onto others who stand in their way or prove to be minor annoyances. Does Evidence Support the Narcissistic Rage Hypothesis? Having summarized the theoretical proposals about narcissistic rage, it is essential to evaluate to what extent the empirical liter￾ature addressed or supported them. Research on narcissistic gran￾diosity using the NPI (Raskin & Hall, 1981) does reveal that narcissistic individuals are more prone to aggression when faced with strong threats to self (e.g., public impeachments of one’s ability, intelligence, or social status; Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Rhodewalt, Madrian, & Cheney, 1988; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998; Stucke & Sporer, 2002; Twenge & Campbell, 2003). Re￾search focusing more specifically on narcissistic exploitativeness and entitlement reveals similar results (Campbell, Bonacci, Shel￾ton, Exline, & Bushman, 2004; Konrath, Bushman, & Campbell, 2006; Reidy, Zeichner, Foster, & Martinez, 2008). These aggres￾sive responses to impeachment of one’s image or status are often interpreted as maneuvers aimed at restoring one’s superiority, necessitated by (grandiose) narcissists’ inflated self-esteem and entitlement (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001). These superiority-imposing tactics are also considered to be only one tool out of the narcissists’ considerable set of self￾enhancing strategies (Campbell, Reeder, Sedikides, & Elliot, 2000; Gabriel, Critelli, & Ee, 1994; Krizan & Bushman, 2011; Morf & Rhodewalt, 1993; Vazire, Naumann, Rentfrow, & Gosling, 2008). Although these findings are often taken as support for the narcissistic rage hypothesis (e.g., Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998, p. 678), a careful survey of evidence on grandiose narcissism reveals little to no direct support that it is linked with rage. On one hand, some studies do find a link between narcissistic grandiosity and chronic anger or hostility—signature features of narcissistic rage (e.g., Raskin, Novacek, & Hogan, 1991; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1995). On the other hand, many studies find that grandiosity either does not consistently predict chronic anger nor hostility, or does so only when unique effects of entitlement and exploitativeness are considered (e.g., Atlas & Them, 2008; Besser & Priel, 2010; Bradlee & Emmons, 1992; Ruiz, Smith, & Rhodewalt, 2001; Witte, Callahan, & Perez-Lopez, 2002). Furthermore, studies ex￾amining angry and hostile responses to specific hypothetical or real-life situations offer similarly weak support for broad rage reactions among those high in grandiosity, showing their angry responses to be either average or exacerbated only by direct threats to one’s competence or social status (Kernis & Sun, 1994; McCann & Biaggio, 1989; Rhodewalt & Morf, 1998; Smalley & Stake, 1996; Stucke & Sporer, 2002). Taken together, this evidence does not provide convincing support for the notion that chronic and unrestrained anger typifies those with grandiose narcissism. When it comes to shame or dejection, the second signature of narcissistic rage, evidence indicates that grandiose narcissists are actually less likely to experience these reactions than others. First, This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 786 KRIZAN AND JOHAR

NARCISSISTIC RAGE 781 O'Leary,&Balkin,1989)and beliefs in one's own istic grandiosity does not p wide strong rt for th Sedikide th this sive”p.48.More ntly o idea that nar sistic grandiosity engenders shame:in fact. ve behavior itself,there is surprisingly little eistie rage are ba To be st liose individu edirectly and publi imag itsky.2010:Sedikide 1.2008:Sma ggre Talley aulhu 2010).Even unde Narcissistic Vulnerability as a Source of Na 2002s In order to marshal evidence for the narcissistic rage hypothesis or a critique.see fer Rueda.2009).As the and will thus be stronely linked to all the three core features of and social status and le ctor of e features.namel Rhodewalt.2001).it should not be ising that their of f laced aggressio who has just berated th ression?Only thre examined dis ability and grandiositys predictors of anger vulnerability 2003 Furth given that displaced stron ly with angr hostility et of sion should be J.D.Miller ps020 e) s(Krizan Johar,2012).Second,evidenc suggest tha (Barry et al 00 2009)In addition, nd t ediate the link bet 206:Reidy. high findings suggests the possibility that grandiose individuals" sity(n et al. 009).To our kn vulncrability an with ou han uncontrolled acts of rage osal that it is narc ility (rather than grandios ty)that is the seat of Summary NPI (Raskin Hal Overview of Studies

grandiose narcissism predicts lower depression and anxiety (Sedikides, Rudich, Gregg, Kumashiro, & Rusbult, 2004; Wright, O’Leary, & Balkin, 1989) and beliefs in one’s own superiority rather than inferiority (Campbell, Rudich, & Sedikides, 2002; Krizan & Bushman, 2011). Second, when it comes to shame specifically, grandiosity is either unrelated or negatively related to shame responses (Gramzow & Tangney, 1992; Krizan & Johar, 2012; Pincus et al., 2009; Wright et al., 1989). In short, there is no evidence that narcissistic grandiosity engenders shame; in fact, evidence points to the contrary. Turning to aggressive behavior itself, there is surprisingly little evidence that grandiosity fuels rage-driven aggression. To be sure, grandiose individuals are more likely to aggress against others who have directly and publicly impeached their image of superiority and status (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Ferriday, Vartanian, & Mandel, 2011; Reidy et al., 2008; Smalley & Stake, 1996; Twenge & Campbell, 2003). However, there is little evidence that such aggression occurs in the absence of public ego threats (see Bet￾tencourt, Talley, Benjamin, & Valentine, 2006; Ferriday et al., 2011; Jones & Paulhus, 2010). Even under conditions of ego threat, it is not clear that the observed aggression is driven by anger (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Stucke & Sporer, 2002). In this vein, note that aggression in studies on narcissism is typically assessed with the Competitive Reaction Time Task (Taylor, 1967; for a critique, see Ferguson & Rueda, 2009). As the name implies, this task assesses competitive noise blasts throughout a course of a multitrial performance competition. Given grandiose individuals’ competitiveness and investment in social status and superiority (Campbell et al., 2000, 2002; Krizan & Bushman, 2011; Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001), it should not be surprising that their engage￾ment in a competitive task with a person who has just berated them motivates competitive noise blasting. Does grandiose narcissism promote displaced aggression? Only three studies examined dis￾placed aggression, and they provide conflicting findings (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998; Martinez, Zeichner, Reidy, & Miller, 2008; Twenge & Campbell, 2003). Furthermore, given that displaced aggression was always assessed with competition-based measures, the exact interpretation of the observed aggression should be tentative. Finally, we should note that narcissistically grandiose (but not vulnerable) individuals frequently report engaging in proactive, instrumental aggression, that is, deliberate acts of aggression that are used to further one’s social status or other goals, often by scheming or manipulating others (Barry et al., 2007; Fossati, Borroni, Eisenberg, & Maffei, 2010). In addition, grandiosity is related to sadism and unprovoked aggression, with enjoyment of aggression found to mediate the link between grandiosity and aggressive behavior (Buckels, Jones, & Paulhus, 2013; Girgis, 2006; Reidy, Foster, & Zeichner, 2010). Taken together, these findings suggests the possibility that grandiose individuals’ ag￾gressive responses to ego threat are deliberate means of asserting superiority and dominance or twisted games to be enjoyed, rather than uncontrolled acts of rage. Summary In short, existing evidence based on the NPI (Raskin & Hall, 1981) reveals weak and inconsistent links between (grandiose) narcissism and chronic anger or hostility, negative links with shame and inferiority, and little evidence for unrestrained or dis￾placed aggression. As a result, we conclude that evidence bearing on narcissistic grandiosity does not provide strong support for the idea of narcissistic rage. In accord with this sentiment, Costa and Widiger (1993) state that “narcissist is not particularly hostile... or even particularly aggressive” (p. 48). More importantly, we contend that many of these studies are not ideal tests of the narcissistic rage hypothesis, as they examine narcissism exclu￾sively in terms of narcissistic grandiosity. Measures of narcissistic grandiosity do not seem to capture individuals on which clinical accounts of narcissism and narcissistic rage are based, given gran￾diose individuals’ relative social adjustment, lack of depression and anxiety, and lack of treatment seeking (Corruble, Ginestet, & Guelfi, 1996; Peck, 1998; Pincus & Lukowitsky, 2010; Sedikides et al., 2004). This raises additional doubts about whether many existing studies of narcissism and aggression should be taken as tests of the narcissistic rage hypothesis in the first place. Narcissistic Vulnerability as a Source of Narcissistic Rage In order to marshal evidence for the narcissistic rage hypothesis, we looked to narcissistic vulnerability. We hypothesized that vul￾nerable narcissism will be a powerful predictor of rage reactions and will thus be strongly linked to all the three core features of narcissistic rage outlined earlier. In the paragraph below we briefly discuss existing evidence in support of our proposal that vulnera￾ble narcissism should be a key predictor of these features, namely, anger, shame, and reactive, as well as displaced aggression. We conclude with an overview of four studies we conducted that examined narcissistic rage as a function of narcissistic vulnerabil￾ity (in addition to grandiosity). First, investigations that directly contrasted narcissistic vulner￾ability and grandiosity as predictors of anger suggest vulnerability to be a stronger predictor. For example, vulnerability, relative to grandiosity, is associated more strongly with angry hostility (a facet of neuroticism), and with hostile and paranoid personality features (J. D. Miller & Campbell, 2008; J. D. Miller et al., 2011; Okada, 2010). Moreover, vulnerability is a stronger predictor of anger reported in response to hypothetical provocation scenarios (J. D. Miller et al., 2011; Okada, 2010), as well as hostile envy of others (Krizan & Johar, 2012). Second, evidence suggests that vulnerable narcissism predicts stronger shame responses, whereas grandiose narcissism actually predicts less shame (Krizan & Johar, 2012; Pincus et al., 2009); In addition, vulnerability is strongly associated with depressive reactions, a key feature of shameful experiences (Pincus et al., 2009; Tritt, Ryder, Ring, & Pincus, 2010). Third, those high on vulnerability are more likely to report generally engaging in aggressive behavior than those high on grandiosity (Pincus et al., 2009). To our knowledge, no published studies examined the link between vulnerability and displaced aggression. Regardless, these findings are consistent with our proposal that it is narcissistic vulnerability (rather than grandios￾ity) that is the seat of narcissistic rage. Overview of Studies To marshal evidence for the narcissistic rage hypothesis, four studies examined vulnerable narcissism as a predictor of anger and This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. NARCISSISTIC RAGE 787

788 ed agg SuT ng Expe y Siebrer ance of each on for ra Results and Discussion of ange an iosity factors as rs of chronic ag Gra y,an dy 3 te are prone to intense ted anger but not gran Study 2:Narcissism and Aggressiveness in a Sample of Community Adults Havi we wanted to ing the complex nature of narcissism. his finding an d our analysis to hostility Study 1:Narcissism and Anger e subst reported narci sism and ggression may b Given existing theories of narcissistie aggr focus or t as a k ed bcause of bias ed responding.We expect and towhich it would be indicative ofmore out weexpccted vunerability to havemuchst ou high shame-proneness,and that gran- Method One hundred eieht unders tudents Method online survevs in exch. N( nge for course credit.Th n&H scale (HNS:Hen cities of the United States (Chicago.Los Angeles and At De. sure narcissistie entitlement)to asse dy on penonmliny”Eachesponderwge icipants completed the Anger-Out (my anger" aware of")and Anger Control Scales (ee"I control my temner") nant completed numerous measures includine the followine for 2 6 80(40 nt Scale 0481079 79

hostility, shame and dejection, and reactive and displaced aggres￾sion; the key ingredients of narcissistic rage. All studies also examined narcissistic grandiosity, in order to directly evaluate the importance of each narcissism dimension for rage and aggression. Study 1 compared narcissistic vulnerability and grandiosity as predictors of anger externalization, internalization, and control. Study 2 utilized multiple measures of narcissism in a sample of community adults and compared narcissistic vulnerability and grandiosity factors as predictors of chronic aggressiveness, anger, hostility, and shame. Study 3 tested a structural model that spec￾ified distrust of others and angry rumination as key factors under￾lying narcissists’ reactive and displaced aggression. Study 4 sought behavioral laboratory evidence that vulnerable (but not grandiose) narcissism fuels dejection, hostility, anger, and aggression in re￾sponse to provocation. By employing diverse samples and meth￾odological approaches, the data triangulate on the important role that narcissistic rage plays in aggressive behavior while illuminat￾ing the complex nature of narcissism. Study 1: Narcissism and Anger First, we tested vulnerable and grandiose narcissism as predic￾tors of anger experience and expression. We hypothesized that only vulnerable narcissism would be substantially associated with anger externalization, anger internalization, and poor anger con￾trol. Given existing theories of narcissistic aggression focus on entitlement as a key reason for narcissists aggressive responses to threat (Bushman & Baumeister, 1998), we also examined entitle￾ment and the extent to which it would be indicative of more maladaptive anger responses. Method One hundred twenty-eight undergraduate students completed online surveys in exchange for course credit. They completed a battery of personality measures, including the NPI (Raskin & Hall, 1981; to measure grandiosity), the Hypersensitive Narcissism Scale (HNS; Hendin & Cheek, 1997; to measure vulnerability), and the Psychological Entitlement Scale (Campbell et al., 2004; to measure narcissistic entitlement). To assess anger expression, par￾ticipants completed the Anger-Out (e.g., “I express my anger”), Anger-In (e.g., “I’m irritated a great deal more than people are aware of”), and Anger Control Scales (e.g., “I control my temper”) from the State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory (Spielberger, 1999). Results and Discussion Correlations between narcissism dimensions and anger expres￾sion are presented in Table 1. Critically, vulnerability was associ￾ated with anger externalization, internalization, and poor anger control. Grandiosity and entitlement were also associated with anger externalization, but did not predict other aspects of anger expression. Taken together, these findings imply that only vulner￾able narcissists are prone to intense and misdirected anger. Study 2: Narcissism and Aggressiveness in a Sample of Community Adults Having established preliminary support for vulnerable narcis￾sism as the key predictor of uncontrolled anger, we wanted to replicate this finding and expand our analysis to hostility (cynical and negative views of others), shame, and aggressive behavior itself. To aid generalizability, Study 2 involved a sample of com￾munity adults of varying ages, and employed multiple measures of narcissism that were used to extract underlying grandiosity and vulnerability factors. Moreover, we assessed socially desirable responding in order to examine to what extent any observed associations between reported narcissism and aggression may be skewed because of biased responding. We expected both dimen￾sions of narcissism to relate to reports of aggressive behavior itself, but we expected vulnerability to have much stronger association with aggressive tendencies overall (i.e., anger, hostility, and ag￾gression). In addition, we expected that only vulnerable narcissism would be associated with higher shame-proneness, and that gran￾diose narcissism would predict less shame. Method One hundred sixty-one community residents (57% female; aged 18 to 37 years; 62% Caucasian) were recruited online in major cities of the United States (e.g., Chicago, Los Angeles, and At￾lanta) via Craigslist (www.craigslist.org) advertisements for a sur￾vey study on “personality.” Each respondent was compensated with $10 for their participation. The questionnaires were administered online, and each partici￾pant completed numerous measures, including the following (or￾Table 1 Correlations Between Narcissism and Anger Expression in Study 1 (ns 124 to 128) 1 2 3 4 5 67 Narcissism 1. Narcissistic Grandiosity .80 (40) 2. Narcissistic Vulnerability .04 .81 (10) 3. Psychological Entitlement Scale .42 .31 .87 (9) Anger 4. Anger Externalization .36 .31 .38 .79 (8) 5. Anger Internalization .08 .40 .12 .50 .77 (8) 6. Anger Control .09 .18 .20 .38 .06 .87 (8) Note. Cronbach’s alphas are reported along the diagonal with the number of items in parentheses. p .10. p .05. p .01. This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers. This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly. 788 KRIZAN AND JOHAR