peaker, Mr. President, Members of the Cong I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause. t times history and fate meet at a single time in a sing le place to sha pe a turning point in mans unending search for freedom so it was at Lexington and concord so it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Se Ima, Alabama. There, long-suf fering men and women peacef ully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were bruta lly assaulted. One good man, a man of God was killed There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government-- the government of the greatest nation on earth Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong to do justice, to serve man In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues --issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance or our welf are or our security but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue And should we defeat every enemy and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue then we will have failed as a peo ple and as a nation. For with a country as with a person What is a man prof ited, if he shall gain the whole world and lose his own soul? There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans--not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as americans to solve that problem This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart North and South All men are created equal, "government by consent of the governed ""give me
Lyndon Baines Johnson: "We Shall Overcome" Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress: I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, f rom every section of this country, to join me in that cause. At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. There, long-suf fering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed. There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self -satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight. For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great government -- the government of the greatest nation on earth. Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man. In our time we have come to live with the moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues -- issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself . Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, or our welfare or our security, but rather to the values, and the purposes, and the meaning of our beloved nation. The issue of equal rights for American Negroes is such an issue. And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For with a country as with a person, "What is a man profited, if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem. And we are met here tonight as Americans -- not as Democrats or Republicans. We are met here as Americans to solve that problem. This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal," "government by consent of the governed," "give me
liberty or give me death Well, those are not just clever words or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty risking their lives Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the d ignity of man This d ign ity cannot be found in a man 's possessions it cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. to apply any other test - to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his relig ion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it ust be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most dif ficult. But about this there can and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. there is no duty which eighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right. Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept from voting simply because they are Negroes. every device of which human inge nu ity is capa ble has been used to deny this rig ht the negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong or the hour is late or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqua lif ied because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. the registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provis ions of State law. And even a college de gree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrim ination No law that we now have on the books and i have helped to put three of them there --can ensure the right to vote whe local off icials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person sha ll be kept from voting because of his
liberty or give me death." Well, those are not just clever words, or those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries, and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty, risking their lives. Those words are a promise to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions; it cannot be found in his power, or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom, he shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test -- to deny a man his hopes because of his color, or race, or his religion, or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny America and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American f reedom. Our fathers believed that if this noble view of the rights of man was to flourish, it must be rooted in democracy. The most basic right of all was the right to choose your own leaders. The history of this country, in large measure, is the history of the expansion of that right to all of our people. Many of the issues of civil rights are very complex and most dif ficult. But about this there can and should be no argument. Every American citizen must have an equal right to vote. There is no reason which can excuse the denial of that right. There is no duty which weighs more heavily on us than the duty we have to ensure that right. Yet the harsh fact is that in many places in this country men and women are kept f rom voting simply because they are Negroes. Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the of ficial in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application. And if he manages to fill out an application, he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write. For the fact is that the only way to pass these barriers is to show a white skin. Experience has clearly shown that the existing process of law cannot overcome systematic and ingenious discrimination. No law that we now have on the books -- and I have helped to put three of them there -- can ensure the right to vote when local officials are determined to deny it. In such a case our duty must be clear to all of us. The Constitution says that no person shall be kept f rom voting because of his
race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before god to support and to defend that Constitution We must now act in obedience to that oath Wednesday I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. After they have reviewed it it will come here formally as a bill. i am gratef ul for this opportunity to come here tonight at the inv ita tion of the leadership to reason with my friends to give them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the leg islation which i had inte nded to transm it to the clerk tomorrow but which I will submit to the clerks ton ight. But i want to really discuss with you now, briefly the main proposals of this legislation This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local - which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, unif orm standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the effort to flout our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by of f icials of the United States Government, if the state off icials ref use to register them. It will elim inate ted io us, unnecessary lawsuits which de lay the right to vote Finally this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited from voting I will welcome the suggestions from all of the Members of Congress --I have no doubt that i will get some --on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the constitution To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want to and who seek to ma intain purely local control ove elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this lai There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain There is no moral issue. It is wrong - deadly wrong - to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. There is no issue of States rights or national rights. there is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer. But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was
race or his color. We have all sworn an oath before God to support and to defend that Constitution. We must now act in obedience to that oath. Wednesday, I will send to Congress a law designed to eliminate illegal barriers to the right to vote. The broad principles of that bill will be in the hands of the Democratic and Republican leaders tomorrow. Af ter they have reviewed it, it will come here formally as a bill. I am grateful for this opportunity to come here tonight at the invitation of the leadership to reason with my f riends, to give them my views, and to visit with my former colleagues. I've had prepared a more comprehensive analysis of the legislation which I had intended to transmit to the clerk tomorrow, but which I will submit to the clerks tonight. But I want to really discuss with you now, briefly, the main proposals of this legislation. This bill will strike down restrictions to voting in all elections -- Federal, State, and local -- which have been used to deny Negroes the right to vote. This bill will establish a simple, uniform standard which cannot be used, however ingenious the ef fort, to flout our Constitution. It will provide for citizens to be registered by of ficials of the United States Government, if the State of ficials refuse to register them. It will eliminate tedious, unnecessary lawsuits which delay the right to vote. Finally, this legislation will ensure that properly registered individuals are not prohibited f rom voting. I will welcome the suggestions f rom all of the Members of Congress -- I have no doubt that I will get some -- on ways and means to strengthen this law and to make it effective. But experience has plainly shown that this is the only path to carry out the command of the Constitution. To those who seek to avoid action by their National Government in their own communities, who want to and who seek to maintain purely local control over elections, the answer is simple: open your polling places to all your people. Allow men and women to register and vote whatever the color of their skin. Extend the rights of citizenship to every citizen of this land. There is no constitutional issue here. The command of the Constitution is plain. There is no moral issue. It is wrong -- deadly wrong -- to deny any of your fellow Americans the right to vote in this country. There is no issue of States' rights or national rights. There is only the struggle for human rights. I have not the slightest doubt what will be your answer. But the last time a President sent a civil rights bill to the Congress, it contained a provision to protect voting rights in Federal elections. That civil rights bill was
passed after eight long months of debate. And w hen that bill came to my desk from the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been elim inated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose We cannot, we must not, ref use to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in And we ought not and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone So i ask you to join me in working long hours --nights and weekends, if necessary to pass this bill. And i don't make that request lightly For from the window where I sit w ith the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this cham ber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and state of America It is the effort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Beca use it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice And we shall overcome As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, i know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how dif ficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed more than a hundred years since the negro as freed and he is not fully free tonight. It was more than a hundred years ago that abraham Lincoln a great President of another party, signed the emancipation proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact. a century has passed, more than a hundred years since equa lity was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal. a century has passed since the day of promise. and the promise is un-kept The time of justice has now come. i tell you that i believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is rig ht in the eyes of man and god that it should come. And w hen it does, I think that day will brighte n the lives of every american For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have go ne uneducated How many white families have lived in stark poverty How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because weve wasted our energy and our substance to mainta in the barriers of hatred and terror And so i say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future
passed af ter eight long months of debate. And when that bill came to my desk f rom the Congress for my signature, the heart of the voting provision had been eliminated. This time, on this issue, there must be no delay, or no hesitation, or no compromise with our purpose. We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in. And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone. So I ask you to join me in working long hours -- nights and weekends, if necessary -- to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly. For f rom the window where I sit with the problems of our country, I recognize that f rom outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts. But even if we pass this bill, the battle will not be over. What happened in Selma is part of a far larger movement which reaches into every section and State of America. It is the ef fort of American Negroes to secure for themselves the full blessings of American life. Their cause must be our cause too. Because it's not just Negroes, but really it's all of us, who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome. As a man whose roots go deeply into Southern soil, I know how agonizing racial feelings are. I know how dif ficult it is to reshape the attitudes and the structure of our society. But a century has passed, more than a hundred years since the Negro was f reed. And he is not fully f ree tonight. It was more than a hundred years ago that Abraham Lincoln, a great President of another party, signed the Emancipation Proclamation; but emancipation is a proclamation, and not a fact. A century has passed, more than a hundred years, since equality was promised. And yet the Negro is not equal. A century has passed since the day of promise. And the promise is un-kept. The time of justice has now come. I tell you that I believe sincerely that no force can hold it back. It is right in the eyes of man and God that it should come. And when it does, I think that day will brighten the lives of every American. For Negroes are not the only victims. How many white children have gone uneducated? How many white families have lived in stark poverty? How many white lives have been scarred by fear, because we've wasted our energy and our substance to maintain the barriers of hatred and terror? And so I say to all of you here, and to all in the nation tonight, that those who appeal to you to hold on to the past do so at the cost of denying you your future
This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. Theyre our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too - poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome Now let none of us in any section look with pr idef ul righteous ness on the troubles in another section or the problems of our neigh bors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equa lity has been fully kept. In Buf falo as well as in Birmingham in Philadelphia as well as selma, Americans are struggling for the fruits of freedom. This is one nation What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight men from the South some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men from the North who have carried old glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a sta in on it, men from the East and from the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region in Vietnam. Men from every region fought for us across the world twenty years ago And now in these common dangers and these common sacrif ices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the great Republic - and in some instances, a great many of them, more And i have not the slightest doubt that good men from everywhere in this country from the great lakes to the gulf of mexico from the golden gate to the harbors along the atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the freedom of all Americans For all of us owe this duty and i believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that request of every American The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change designed to stir reform He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. and who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery and his faith in American For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order
This great, rich, restless country can offer opportunity and education and hope to all, all black and white, all North and South, sharecropper and city dweller. These are the enemies: poverty, ignorance, disease. They're our enemies, not our fellow man, not our neighbor. And these enemies too -- poverty, disease, and ignorance: we shall overcome. Now let none of us in any section look with prideful righteousness on the troubles in another section, or the problems of our neighbors. There's really no part of America where the promise of equality has been fully kept. In Buf falo as well as in Birmingham, in Philadelphia as well as Selma, Americans are struggling for the f ruits of f reedom. This is one nation. What happens in Selma or in Cincinnati is a matter of legitimate concern to every American. But let each of us look within our own hearts and our own communities, and let each of us put our shoulder to the wheel to root out injustice wherever it exists. As we meet here in this peaceful, historic chamber tonight, men f rom the South, some of whom were at Iwo Jima, men f rom the North who have carried Old Glory to far corners of the world and brought it back without a stain on it, men f rom the East and f rom the West, are all fighting together without regard to religion, or color, or region, in Vietnam. Men f rom every region fought for us across the world twenty years ago. And now in these common dangers and these common sacrifices, the South made its contribution of honor and gallantry no less than any other region in the Great Republic -- and in some instances, a great many of them, more. And I have not the slightest doubt that good men f rom everywhere in this country, f rom the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico, f rom the Golden Gate to the harbors along the Atlantic, will rally now together in this cause to vindicate the f reedom of all Americans. For all of us owe this duty; and I believe that all of us will respond to it. Your President makes that request of every American. The real hero of this struggle is the American Negro. His actions and protests, his courage to risk safety and even to risk his life, have awakened the conscience of this nation. His demonstrations have been designed to call attention to injustice, designed to provoke change, designed to stir reform. He has called upon us to make good the promise of America. And who among us can say that we would have made the same progress were it not for his persistent bravery, and his faith in American democracy. For at the real heart of battle for equality is a deep seated belief in the democratic process. Equality depends not on the force of arms or tear gas but depends upon the force of moral right; not on recourse to violence but on respect for law and order