the names of half a million shall be upon the national pay-rolls,when the commerce and population of San Francisco shall far exceed the present population and commerce of New York. when the national revenues shall be,and consu and commercia agents shall discharge their duties in Central Africa and in cities upon the upper waters of the Amazon-can we expect,if our neglect shall continue,that the perils of a spoils system of office will be less,or that the difficulties of its removal will be diminished? But it is not merely such natural increase and expansion which will continue to make that science more profound and its neglect more disastrous.It is in the order of a growing civilization that the functions of official life must become more and more various,delicate,and difficult."The authority of goverment has notony pread throughout the phere of all existing it goes further and invades the domain heretofore reserved to private independence.A multitude of actions,which were fomerly beyond the control of public administration,have been subjected to that control in our time,and the number of them is constantly increasing"A larger and still larger number of officers are required,and their neglect and incompetency more and more tend to become evils of serious magnitude.The railroad.the steamship.and the new departments of agriculture,education,and public health,the life-saving and the Marine Hospital service,the money order system,and the light-house,the internal revenue and the postal administration greatly extended-are of the growth of administrative functions createdor enlarged during the present generation.In the cities and in the States,this growth has hardly been less than under the Federal Government;nor has it been less in other countries than in our own.Year by year,the prosperity and morality of every enlightened people become.in a still greater degree. dependent upon the character and capacity of those who fill their places of public trust.Inno country is this more true than in the United States,where the very structure of the government frequently producesa comication of offc duties,byreason of the division of authorityove great subjects between the nation and the States. With so great evils upon us from the neglect of administration in the past,and still greater evils thus threatening us if that neglect shall continue in the future,it would hardly seem possible that the subject should long fail to take its proper place in the serious refections of American statesmen.How,indeed,can a man be called a statesman who is not well versed in the world's wisdom as to the best means of carrying forward with steadiness and fidelity the vast 6
6 the names of half a million shall be upon the national pay-rolls; when the commerce and population of San Francisco shall far exceed the present population and commerce of New York; when the national revenues shall be tenfold their present amount, and consuls and commercial agents shall discharge their duties in Central Africa and in cities upon the upper waters of the Amazon- can we expect, if our neglect shall continue, that the perils of a spoils system of office will be less, or that the difficulties of itsremoval will be diminished? But it is not merely such natural increase and expansion which will continue to make that science more profound and its neglect more disastrous. It is in the order of a growing civilization that the functions of official life must become more and more various, delicate, and difficult. “The authority of government has not only spread throughout the sphere of all existing powers,. but it goes further and invades the domain heretofore reserved to private independence. A multitude of actions, which were formerly beyond the control of public administration, have been subjected to that control in our time, and the number of them is constantly increasing.” A larger and still larger number of officers are required, and their neglect and incompetency more and more tend to become evils of serious magnitude. The railroad, the steamship, and the new departments of agriculture, education, and public health; the life-saving and the Marine Hospital service; the money order system, and the light-house, the internal revenue and the postal administration, greatly extended-are but illustrations of the growth of administrative functions created or enlarged during the present generation. In the cities and in the States, this growth has hardly been less than under the Federal Government; nor has it been less in other countries than in our own. Year by year, the prosperity and morality of every enlightened people become, in a still greater degree, dependent upon the character and capacity of those who fill their places of public trust. In no country is this more true than in the United States, where the very structure of the government frequently produces a complication of official duties, by reason of the division of authority over great subjects between the nation and the States. With so great evils upon us from the neglect of administration in the past, and still greater evils thus threatening us if that neglect shall continue in the future, it would hardly seem possible that the subject should long fail to take its proper place in the serious reflections of American statesmen. How, indeed, can a man be called a statesman who is not well versed in the world’s wisdom as to the best means of carrying forward with steadiness and fidelity the vast
administration of his country,upon which the happiness and prosperity of its people so greatly depend?For self-seeking politicians-for men with whom statesmanship means the manipulation of parties-for any citizen without faith in public virtue and the courage needed to stand for duty and the general welfare against the ignorance and the blind majority of the hou,the subject can have few attractions.But those thoughtful citizens whose hearts are warmed by a true love of their country,who are humiliated as they see that country failing to rise to its true dignity before the world,who comprehend that,under better methods,worth and ability of a higher ordr cou be made to elevate polities and official life-will be drawn to the subject by all the strength of interest, patriotic duty,and national pride.They feel that the United States stand before the world as the original and the noblest embodiment of the republican ideal in goverment.As the oldest and the most powerful republican nation-as the example to which young republics turn for wisdom and experience-the character of public administration in the United States does not coner merely the growing millions of her own people but the republican cause and the fate of free institutions in every quarter of the globe now and for ages to come.Need we fear that this generation of Americans will supply patriots who will worthily lead in the reform of the civil service of their country?Are not great masses of the people ready to turn away from the politicians and to follow such leaders?Can it be doubted that,if the true methods of reform were once brought clearly before the American people they would givethose methods a support as vigorous and as that extended to them by the people of Great Britain?Surely we are not to be permanently known asthe people who boast most over their form of government and groan most over the abuses of their administration"We are not without the courag of our fathers.This generations,which has made the greatest sacrifices for liberty and justice recorded in human annals,must surely have the moral elevation needed for the removal of any abuses that can be developed in administering the government whose righteousness and honor it has geatly exalted.We are justly poud of the stability of a government which has been less changed in the past century,and bids fair to be less changed in the next century,than any government in Europe.Its safety now depends upon the virtue and wisdom of its daily administration.While nearly every European country is agitated by hopes and fears,threatening the very framework of the State,no expectation of a change of structure of the future.Our fate must turn upon our capacity to administer institutions which we do not wish to 7
7 administration of his country, upon which the happiness and prosperity of its people so greatly depend? For self-seeking politicians –for men with whom statesmanship means the manipulation of parties-for any citizen without faith in public virtue and the courage needed to stand for duty and the general welfare against the ignorance and the blind majority of the hour, the subject can have few attractions. But those thoughtful citizens whose hearts are warmed by a true love of their country, who are humiliated as they see that country failing to rise to its true dignity before the world, who comprehend that, under better methods, worth and ability of a higher order could be made to elevate politics and official life-will be drawn to the subject by all the strength of interest, patriotic duty, and national pride. They feel that the United States stand before the world as the original and the noblest embodiment of the republican ideal in government. As the oldest and the most powerful republican nation-as the example to which young republics turn for wisdom and experience-the character of public administration in the United States does not concern merely the growing millions of her own people, but the republican cause and the fate of free institutions in every quarter of the globe now and for ages to come. Need we fear that this generation of Americans will supply patriots who will worthily lead in the reform of the civil service of their country? Are not great masses of the people ready to turn away from the politicians and to follow such leaders? Can it be doubted that, if the true methods of reform were once brought clearly before the American people, they would give those methods a support as vigorous and enlightened as that extended to them by the people of Great Britain? Surely we are not to be permanently known as “the people who boast most over their form of government, and groan most over the abuses of their administration.” We are not degenerate sons without the patriotism or the courage of our fathers. This generations, which has made the greatest sacrifices for liberty and justice recorded in human annals, must surely have the moral elevation needed for the removal of any abuses that can be developed in administering the government whose righteousness and honor it has greatly exalted. We are justly proud of the stability of a government, which has been less changed in the past century, and bids fair to be less changed in the next century, than any government in Europe. Its safety now depends upon the virtue and wisdom of its daily administration. While nearly every European country is agitated by hopes and fears, threatening the very framework of the State, no expectation of a change of structure colors our estimate of the future. Our fate must turn upon our capacity to administer institutions which we do not wish to
abandon,and which we cannot expect,by any radical change,to improve.We are for those reasons all the more free.and we have resting upon us a duty all the more serious,to speedily problem-that of making our administration worthy and ou social life.If the present generation is too poorly instructed in the true methods of government to act upon the higher experience of the leading European States,then it is the duty of all who teach-in whatever grade.from the school to the university-to take care that the next generation be wiser in the knowledge of what deeply concerns the character and stability of the nation-to make it appear that republics are not hostile to statesmanship,to education,or to official virtue. No other knowledge will compensate for ignorance as to the best means of securing capacity and fidelity in No mont of scholarship will cover the disgrace to republican institutions of allowing the world to believe that republics must fall below monarchies in bringing high character and ability into places of public trust.In no other way can the prestige and influence of such institutions be so much advanced in the world as by the United States Making it manifest to the nations that a great republic seeks and secures,quite as surely as the most enlightened monarchy,the full measure of official worth and ability which good administration requires To attain such results is,I repeat,the great problem of American politics-the paramount duty of American patriots.And I trust Imay be pardoned for adding that the hope of contributing. in some small measure,to their accomplishment,has given me the courage to submit this volume to the publicjudgment
8 abandon, and which we cannot expect, by any radical change, to improve. We are for those reasons all the more free, and we have resting upon us a duty all the more serious, to speedily solve our great problem-that of making our administration worthy of our constitution and our social life. If the present generation is too poorly instructed in the true methods of government to act upon the higher experience of the leading European States, then it is the duty of all who teach-in whatever grade, from the school to the university- to take care that the next generation be wiser in the knowledge of what so deeply concerns the character and stability of the nation-to make it appear that republics are not hostile to statesmanship, to education, or to official virtue. No other knowledge will compensate for ignorance as to the best means of securing capacity and fidelity in public administration. No amount of scholarship will cover the disgrace to republican institutions of allowing the world to believe that republics must fall below monarchies in bringing high character and ability into places of public trust. In no other way can the prestige and influence of such institutions be so much advanced in the world as by the United States Making it manifest to the nations that a great republic seeks and secures, quite as surely as the most enlightened monarchy, the full measure of official worth and ability which good administration requires. To attain such results is, I repeat, the great problem of American politics-the paramount duty of American patriots. And I trust I may be pardoned for adding that the hope of contributing, in some small measure, to their accomplishment, has given me the courage to submit this volume to the public judgment
2.The Study of Administration Woodrow Wilson I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it.The very fact,the minently is finding its courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case.It need not be said,however,that we do not look into college programmes for poof of this fact It is a thing almost taken for granted among us,that the present movement called civil service refom must,after the accomplishment of its first purpose expand into efforts to improve not the persoel only,but also the organization and methods of our government offices:because it is plain that their organizations and methods need improvement only less than their personel.It is the object of administrative study to discover,first,what government can properly and successfully do,and,secondly,how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy.On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us,and only careful study can supply that light Before entering on that study,however,it is needful: I To take some account of what others have done in the same line,that is to say.of the history of the study. II.To ascertain just what is its subject-matter. III.To determine just what are the best methods by which to develop it,and the most clarifying political conceptions tocarry with us into it Unless we know and settle these things,we shall set out without chart or compass I. The science of administration is the latest fruit of that study of the science of politics which was begun some twenty-two hundred years ago.It isa birth of our own century.almost of our own generation. 9
9 2.The Study of Administration Woodrow Wilson I suppose that no practical science is ever studied where there is no need to know it. The very fact, therefore, that the eminently practical science of administration is finding its way into college courses in this country would prove that this country needs to know more about administration, were such proof of the fact required to make out a case. It need not be said, however, that we do not look into college programmes for proof of this fact. It is a thing almost taken for granted among us, that the present movement called civil service reform must, after the accomplishment of its first purpose, expand into efforts to improve, not the personnel only, but also the organization and methods of our government offices: because it is plain that their organizations and methods need improvement only less than their personnel. It is the object of administrative study to discover, first, what government can properly and successfully do, and, secondly, how it can do these proper things with the utmost possible efficiency and at the least possible cost either of money or of energy. On both these points there is obviously much need of light among us; and only careful study can supply that light. Before entering on that study, however, it is needful: I. To take some account of what others have done in the same line; that is to say, of the history of the study. II. To ascertain just what is its subject-matter. III. To determine just what are the best methods by which to develop it, and the most clarifying political conceptions to carry with us into it. Unless we know and settle these things, we shall set out without chart or compass. I. The science of administration is the latest fruit of that study of the science of politics which was begun some twenty-two hundred years ago. It is a birth of our own century, almost of our own generation
Why was it so late in coming?Why did it wait till this too busy century of ours to demand attention for itself?Administration is the most obvious part of government,it is government in action,it is the executive,the operative.the most visible side of goverment and is of course as old as government itself.It is government in action,and one might very naturally expect to find that government in action had arrested the attention and provoked the scrutiny of writers of politics veryearly in the history of systematic thought. But such was not the case.No one wrote systematically of administration as a branch of the science of goverment until the present century had passed its first youth and had begun to put forth its characteristic flower of the systematic knowledge.Up to our own day all the political writers whom we now read had thought argued,dogmatized ony about government,about the nature of the state.the esence and seat of sovereignty,popular power and kingly prerogative,about the greatest meanings lying at the heart of government,and the high ends set before the purpos of government by man's nature and man's aims.The central field of controversy was that great field of theory in which monarchy rode tilt against democracy,in which oligarchy would have built for itself strongholds of privilege.and in which tyranny sought opportunity to make good its claim to receive submission from all competitors.Amidst this high warfare of principles administration could command no pause for its own consideration.The question was always:Who shall make law,and what shall that law be?The other question,how law should be administered with enlightenment with equity,with speed,and without friction,was put aside as"practical detail"which clerks could arrange after doctorshad agreed upon principles That politica philosophy took thisdirection as hance preference or perverse whim of political philosophers.The philosophy of any time is,as Hegel says,"othing but the spirit of that time expressed in abstract thought"and political philosophy.like philosophy of every other kind,has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs.The trouble inearly times was almost altogether about the constitution of government:and consequently that was wha engrossed men's thoughts.There was littleor no trouble about administration,at leastitte that was heeded by administrators.The functions of government were simple,because life itself was simple.Goverment went about imperatively and compelled men without though of consultin their wishes.There was no complex system of public revenues and public debts to puzze financiers,there were,consequently,no financiers to be puzzled.No one who possessed power 10
10 Why was it so late in coming? Why did it wait till this too busy century of ours to demand attention for itself? Administration is the most obvious part of government; it is government in action; it is the executive, the operative, the most visible side of government, and is of course as old as government itself. It is government in action, and one might very naturally expect to find that government in action had arrested the attention and provoked the scrutiny of writers of politics very early in the history of systematic thought. But such was not the case. No one wrote systematically of administration as a branch of the science of government until the present century had passed its first youth and had begun to put forth its characteristic flower of the systematic knowledge. Up to our own day all the political writers whom we now read had thought, argued, dogmatized only about the constitution of government; about the nature of the state, the essence and seat of sovereignty, popular power and kingly prerogative; about the greatest meanings lying at the heart of government, and the high ends set before the purpose of government by man’s nature and man’s aims. The central field of controversy was that great field of theory in which monarchy rode tilt against democracy, in which oligarchy would have built for itself strongholds of privilege, and in which tyranny sought opportunity to make good its claim to receive submission from all competitors. Amidst this high warfare of principles, administration could command no pause for its own consideration. The question was always: Who shall make law, and what shall that law be? The other question, how law should be administered with enlightenment, with equity, with speed, and without friction, was put aside as "practical detail" which clerks could arrange after doctors had agreed upon principles. That political philosophy took this direction was of course no accident, no chance preference or perverse whim of political philosophers. The philosophy of any time is, as Hegel says, "nothing but the spirit of that time expressed in abstract thought"; and political philosophy, like philosophy of every other kind, has only held up the mirror to contemporary affairs. The trouble in early times was almost altogether about the constitution of government; and consequently that was what engrossed men’s thoughts. There was little or no trouble about administration,-at least little that was heeded by administrators. The functions of government were simple, because life itself was simple. Government went about imperatively and compelled men, without thought of consulting their wishes. There was no complex system of public revenues and public debts to puzzle financiers; there were, consequently, no financiers to be puzzled. No one who possessed power